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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 8, No. 6, pp. 271-358, Pis. 21-28 March 30, 1910 



i 



• 



THE RELIGIOUS PRACT^E^M^HE 
DIEGUENO INDIANS 

BY 

T. T. WATERMAN l> 



♦ • 



BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 8, No. 6, pp. 271-358, Pis. 21-28 March 30, 1910 



THE RELIGIOUS PRACTICES OF THE 
DIEGUE^O INDIANS 

BY 

T. T. WATERMAN. 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Introduction 272 

Customs concerning Birth and Adolescence 284 

Girls' Adolescence Ceremony 285 

Bad Songs 290 

Conclusion oi the Girls' Ceremony 292 

Boys' Adolescence Ceremony 293 

The Ground Painting 300 

Conclusion of the Boys' Ceremony 304 

Mourning Ceremonies 305 

The Clothes Burning Ceremony 306 

The Feather Ceremony 307 

The Whirling Dance, Tapakwirp 308 

Conclusion of the Feather Ceremony 311 

The Image Burning 311 

The Eagle Ceremony 314 

The "War" Dance 320 

The Fire Ceremony 325 

Other Ceremonial Matters 328 

Gambling 329 

Colors and Direction 332 

Ceremonial Numbers 335 

Tobacco 335 

Diegueno Beliefs concerning Origin 336 

Creation Myth 338 

Conclusion 343 






272 UKirernly of Califomm Pmbltealunu tn Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.8 



IXTBODL'tTION. 

The people known an Dictniefio. called by themselves Kawa- 
kipai' or xouthern people,' occupy the extreme southeni part of 
California. The retrifin which they inhabit coincidi-s approxi- 
mately with the boiindarieH of San Diejio county. LinjruiKti- 
cally they are dividetl into at lea.st two dialectic proups. One 
diali>ct in spoken at the villafres or rancherias of Mesa Grande, 
Santa YBalx-l, Capitan Grande, Los Conejos, Sycuan, and Inyaxa. 
These villages are located on reservations in the northern part of 
the county. The people now residing at Campo, Manzanita, La 
I>aguna, Cuayapipe, and I>a I'osta reservations, in the southern 
part of the county, speak a siitrhtly different dialect. During 
the Spanish occupation of California, the people s|)eakirig these 
dialects were a-isociated in a general way with Mission San 
Diego. Hence both divisions acquired the designation "Die- 
guefio. " The southern dialect is spoken also by the Indians of 
Yuman family in Li>wer California immediately across the Mex- 
ican border. This latter people may be considered ethnograph- 
ically identical with the pi>ople cx-cupying the southern group of 
reservations mentioned above. The extent of the territory in the 
penin.sula of Lower California in which this dialect is spoken has 

1 Phonpticnily tlie Dieipiofio lanKuagi> is rnthor Himplc. Tho roniwmnntii 
b, K, b, k, I, m, n, p, r, », t, nro pronounced nearly as in KnKlish. The 
■oumls represonteil by the Knf;liHh il, f, se«'m to be absent from the lan- 
gun(;e. x in the present paper stnmls for the sound of (iernian oh. Or- 
liinnrr 1 repri>8ent8 a sonant I in which the tip of the tonjfue rewts Sf^inst 
the teeth. Small capital I. stan^ls for a sound corri'spondinff clost-ly to 
Welsh I. namely, a surd 1. This souml is rather forcible in Diegueno. Of 
unfamiliar snumls, the following are present: a surd r, written as K ; a 
Irilleil r, made with the tip of the tongue cIikm- to the front of the palate, 
written r; ami a bilnliiiil v, written i-. Kidlowing the establishcl usage, 
the souml of sli in shall is written as c; and corresiMinilingly, the s«un<l 
of ch in church (=lsh) as to. A sound n-si'mbling the sh sound in shall, 
but made with the tip of the tongue further to the rear, is written c. Y 
stands always for a glide, never for a vowel sound. In Luisefio wonla 
<i represents a velar spirant g or velar r. 

The vowels are: a as in father, e as n in fate, e as e in met. i as ec 
in meet, i as in pin, o as in so, o as a in fall, o as u in cup, ti as in rule, 
u as in put, ii as in the Herman iiber. The diphthongs are written oi, ai, 
and au. Oi repres<<nta the sound of oi in boil, ai of ai in aisle, au of 
au in the (iermnn word nus or ow in how. 

» .Miss C. Ci. Dultois gives "Western In<lian(" as the name the Die- 
gtieflo apply to themsolvea. I'niv. Calif. Publ. .\m. Arch. Etbn., VIII, 13S 
note 19'.', 1908. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Biegueno Indians. 273 

not been determined. The Diegiieno, together with these neigh- 
boring people of Lower California, are part of the great Yuman 
linguistic stock to which the Yuma, Mohave, Maricopa, Walapai, 
Havasupai, Yevepai, Coeopa, and the Cochimi and other prac- 
tically unknown tribes of the greater half of Lower California 
also belong. 

In culture, the Dieguefio show a marked similarity to their 
neighbors, the Luiseiio on the north, and the Cahuilla on the 
northeast. Li basket-making these people use almost exclusively 
the coiled weave. The basket designs of the Diegiieiio are rather 
simpler than those of the Luiseiio and Cahuilla, and run largely 
to the horizontal band type. Like their neighbors they manu- 
facture fairly good potterj' of a brittle, porous variety. In place 
of the large conical burden-basket usual in California, the Die- 
guefio use a large burden-net with a packstrap to go across the 
forehead. Twines made of milkweed, mescal or maguey, and 
nettle fibres, are employed by them in the manufacture of a large 
variety of textile objects, such as bags, ceremonial dresses, and 
the carrying nets just mentioned. From maguey fibre they make 
excellent sandals, of a type not found in California outside of 
this southern region. The Diegueiio, as well as the Luiseiio and 
Cahuilla, build houses of tule or California bulrush, which are 
fairly weather-proof and permanent. Although big game is nat- 
urally scarce in their habitat, they make a powerful bow of wil- 
low, its length and size compensating for the lack of sinew rein- 
forcement. Altogether, in the matter of material culture, the 
Diegueuo seem fully equal to the other people of the State. 
Alone, among all the tribes of the State, they together with their 
neighbors the Luiseiio, Cahuilla, and ]\Iohave, have achieved the 
manufacture of pottery and the use of cloth-like textiles. 

In religious matters the Diegueiio seem to stand almost alone. 
They have little in common, for instance, with the Mohave, who 
are their nearest blood-kin in California. Certain of their ex- 
ternal ceremonies they share with the Luiseno, their neighbors 
on the north. The religious systems of the two peoples are not, 
however, by any means the same. The Luiseno have several 
rites which are not performed at all by the Diegueno. In regard 



i'i Cnitertitf of Caltfonta PubUcalton* in Am. Areh.anJ Kthn. [Vol.8 

to inany iletaiU, furthennorc, ••v»'n where ceremonicx arc some- 
what Hiinilar, the DicjfUffio (xTUpy an iiulfpeniK-nt p<»sition.'* In 
jft'iiiTul n-liKioiis outliMik, iw in niytholi>Ky, the two peoples are 
totally (liKsiinilur. 

Most of the ritt-8 whiih the Die^ruefio have in eoinnion with 
the liUiwM'io belong to a definite eiiltus. This cultiw is what has 
been described among the Luisefio as the "Chungichnish wor- 
ship." Among the Diegueno it is known as awik or Western 
system. An di«cribed elsewhere in the present paper, and in 
another paper of this series by a different author,* this cultus cen- 
ters around an initiatory rite, which consists in drinking cere- 
inoninliy a decoction of toloache or jimsonweed. Datura mete- 
loides." In stuilyinj; the religious practices of the Diegueno a 
distinction is therefore always to be kept in mind between the 
rites which belong on the one hand to the culttis and on the other 
to the ordinary ceremonies, since the latter exhibit a totally 
different animus, and have no definite relation eitlier to the cultus 
or to each other. 

This cultus seems for srvrral reasons to be a late develop- 
ment among the Diegueno. They possess, in the first place, many 
ceremonies which are supposed by them to be older than the 
cultus. A tradition e.xi.sts that this cultus was first actjuired by 
the mainland peoples only three or four generations ago. from 
the islands off the coast of southeni California, parti'-ularly from 
Santa Catalina and San Clemente. This is verj- likely the orii^'in 
of the term awik, "from the west," api)lied to the ceremonies 
to-day by the Diegueno. Among the Luiseno and northeni 
Diegueno exist supplementarj- traditions concerning the spread 
of this system of rites. The Luiseno .say that they taught the 
practices to the Diegueno. and the Diegueno that they learned 



:• .Xm. Antliropologiiit, n. «. XI, 4ir>r,, 1909. 

> fniv. Calif. J'ul.l. Am. Arch. Ethn., VIII. 69 1S8, 190S, "The Religion 
of iho LuiNOi'ii) Iniliunn of Southern Califoniin," by C'on.tUnco GoililarM 
nuBoiii. Hif. nliMi, 1". S. Spnrknuin, "The Culture of the LuincAo Indiann, " 
ibid., 187-234, 1908. 

** For a roligioua luw of this drug among tho nuaUipai sec John 0. 
Hourke, "On the Honler with Crook." i>. 105, 1892. The White Mountain 
Apnchc ahio uiio it (A. Hr.llickn. Hur. Am. Ethn. Hull. 34, p. 25, 1908), 
mixing it with their mewnl for it* intoxicating effect. So far tut known, it» 
einplovnient in chnracterintic of this southwi'slerii uren. 



1910] Tralerma7t.— The Ecligious Practices of the Diegueho Indians. 275 

the practices from the Luiseno. This evidence is of a tradition- 
ary nature only. In the southern Diegueno reg:ion, however, the 
eultus began to be celebrated only within the memory of men 
now living.* The same might be said of the remote Cahuilla 
villages. The writer found old men at both places who remem- 
bered when the practices were first introduced from the north. 
The rituals themselves offer internal evidence of a late adoption 
by the Diegueiio. Of seventy-four songs concerned with these 
ceremonies obtained by the writer, sixty are in a language said 
to be Luiseno.''^ The religious myths of the Diegueiio never 
mention this cult, or any of the practices connected with it." 
This fact would by itself be almost enough to indicate that this 
jimsonweed or "awik" eultus is not primarily Diegueiio. 

We may conclude therefore that there are two component 
factors in the external religion of the Diegueiio, as we find it 
today. They have certain practices, in the first place, concerning 
the historical origin of which we have no evidence of any kind. 
As far as our present purpose is concerned, these may be consid- 
ered inherently Diegueiio. They employ in the second place a 
large series of practices which, whatever their original source, 
seem to have come to them through the agency of the Luiseiio. 

As soon as we leave the matter of general outline, we find 
among the Diegueno, even in the matter of "awik" practices, 
evidences of a religious outlook totally different from that of the 
Li;iseno. The Luiseno, for instance, believe in a superhuman 
being, Chungichnish," practically a divinity. He sends certain 



^ DuEois, op. cit. 74. 

^a This is probably an incorrect statement so far as the Luiseiio dialect 
is specifically concerned, but is true if Luiseno is understood to mean any 
Shoshonean language. Most of the Luiseiio toloache cult songs are said by 
themselves to be in the Gabrielino language of the north. See in this con- 
nection footnote 55. The fifty HoRLoi songs transcribed below contain the 
sound 1 only once or twice, but r abundantly. In Luiseno r is rare, but 1 very 
frequent. Li the San Gabriel dialect Luiseno 1 regularly changes to r. The 
original source of these songs is therefore scarcely doubtful. The Diegueno 
however unquestionably received the songs from the Luiseiio. 

s For the mythology of the Diegueiio see Journal of American Folk- 
Lore, XIV, 181, 1901; XVII, 217, 1904; and XIX, 147, 1906, by Constance 
Goddard DuBois. Also Amer. Anthropologist, n. s. VII, 627, 1905. Also 
"Analysis of the Mission Indian Creation Story," by the present writer. 
Am. Anthropologist, n. s. XI, 41, 1909. To this must be added the "Crea- 
tion Myth" obtained by the writer of the present paper and given below. 

Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 53, 54, 1906. 



276 Unirtrtitj/ of California Publieatioiu m Am.Arrh.and Ethn. [VoLS 

aninials, liki- the rattl<-«naki*. ln-ar, panther, or wulf, to punish 
ceremonial offenses or omissions.' The Diepijcfio. while they 
believe that certain iiiisfortiini-s, amon^ them snakebites, follow 
when these identical ceremonies are neglected, look on the whole 
matter as being impersonal. They have a definite feeling that 
certain aches in the bones are connected with the non-ob8er\'ance 
of the awik ceremonies. These aches are called awik wutim or 
"sickiiejvs from the West." The only way to prevent the expe- 
rience of these evils, including snake-bites, is to hold the ritualistic 
dances. So clear is the as-sfieiation of the two ideas among the 
Dieguefio. that when several people have been bitten by rattle- 
snakes within a short perifxl. the leader, kwaipai, of the cere- 
monies is regarded as responsible because he does not order the 
ceremonies oftener. While confident of the expected effect, how- 
ever, the Dieguefio can give no definite explanation of the cause. 
There is not the slightest evidence that they believe in a por*inal 
god, who sends the punishments. 

The Dieguefio do conceive, however, that certain extra-human 
powers or beings i^xist. These powers are a.ssoeiated with .strik- 
ing natural phenomena. The electric fire-ball or "ball lightning," 
Chaup. is one such supernatural l>eing. lie is thought to have 
lived once on earth in the fonn of a man. Dieguefio mythologj' 
is largely made up of stories about his marvellous acts. He takes 
in part the place of a "culture hero," since his actions frequently 
left permanent effects on the world and on mankind.* It was 
he who struck all the animals and plants in the world with a stick, 
leaving marks of all sorts on them.* That is the way the red 



' DiiKoix, op. cit., present serieB, pp. 89, 97, ct al. Al!<«> Spnrkmnn, 
op. fit.. 222, 223. 

« Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 163, 1906: "When Ihe little boy (t'hnup) 
pulled lii» uni'Ic'ii boily nut of the t^round, tliey cried anil tnlke<l tojt'^ther. 
ni« unele Hnicl, ' Voii iiujjht not to hn\e done this. . . . WTien you put 
me linolc, (do not) let a breath of wiml arise from the place whi'r<' I am 
burie<I'. The little boy tried to do as he was directc<l . . . but in spite 
of nil his trouble, a breath of air puffed up from the grave; and this is 
the cause of all the sickness in the world." 

Ihul., 161: "When he came to his Rrandmother 's house, he found it 
full of people of all HiirtH, such as are now all the animals and plants and 
everjtliin({ that lives in the »vorld. . The boy took his sp«"ar . . 

and stood in front of the door ami l>e(^n hitting all thi-se people with hi* 
spear. The roadninner was hit as he ran by and es<'aped, and the re<l 
may still !><■ s<'en on thi- side of his hwid where it was ({'T'^ed by the spear. 
The m(H-k'omn|;e came rollin); out and it was hit many timi<s by the s|>ear. 
You can still see the marks in white lines upon it." 



1910] TTaterman.—The Religious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 277 

wattle came on the roadrunner's cheek, for instance, and the 
stripe on the coyote's back. Many of the ceremonies performed 
by this people are also founded on supposed actions of this hero. 
This is particularly true of a mourning ceremony, known as the 
Keruk, southern dialect Wukeruk," in which the people dance 
holding images. Many such incidents make him out clearly as a 
"Transformer." Certain of the geographical features of the 
region inhabited by the Diegueilo are explained by reference to 
another mythical being. A great ridge of white rock near 
Cuayapipe marks the trail made by Ocean Monster, when he came 
across the land." The Diegueno know also of a "creator," 
Tochaipa (also called Chaipakomat), who first gave the world 
its form and substance. Like the other great beings, however, 
Tochaipa is no longer considered immanent in the world. There 
is a curious lack of evidence that either he or any of the other of 
these powers are ever approached through prayer or ceremonial 
practices. 

The religious practices of the Diegueno will be found, rather 
curiously, to spring from other sources than their belief in the 
existence of such supernatural beings. Their important cere- 
monies are founded on one or the other of two conceptions. One 
of these is that in early infancy, and again at the period of 
adolescence, persons of both sexes enter into a peculiar condition 
of receptivity. They are so firmly convinced of this, that what- 
ever the child or person does or undergoes in these two periods 
is supposed by them to leave a permanent effect upon body and 
mind. Numerous religious practices and prohibitions are there- 
fore grouped around these two periods. The inward purpose 
seems to be about equallj' to prevent evil and to establish good. 
Young girls, to illustrate, were carefully prevented during the 
period of budding womanhood from looking at men. If they 
should look at men they would certainly smile, and so wrinkle up 
their faces. If their faces were wrinkled during this receptive or 
formative period, they would stay wrinkled and ugly through 

^0 Ibid., 153: "So the old woman took the shape into her hands and 
danced with it. (Song of the Image Dance) . . . This was the first 
time they made a dance for the dead. . . . This is the reason they 
make the dance of the Images, wukaruk. " 

" See the Creation Myth given below. 



278 pHirertil^ of Caltfomut Publtealiont m Am. A re h. and Kthn. [Vol.8 

after life. When hoys were " initiatfd" at the erc of puberty, 
their heads were carefully freed of lioe, under the convietion that 
if they entered maiduKxl without any parasites in their hair, 
thoy would never he troubled in the future. Everj' newly born 
infant amoni; the Diejruefio was in former times wrapped tightly 
in soft, nettle-fibre bandatres, his limbs beinpr tied down. This 
w»w done in order that he nii^bt jrrow up strai(;ht and 8tron^^ 
If a.s an infant he were permitted to twist hims<'lf and throw 
his linilis about, he would prow up to be ungainly, loose- jointed 
and "rickety." Elaborate ceremonies, especially as rcKards the 
period of adolescence in boys and u'irLs. have been built up around 
such beliefs. 

The second motive underlyiuK the Diepueno ceremonies is the 
belief that the souls of people have a continued existence after 
the death of the body. This belief is at the bottom of the cele- 
bration of complicated moumingr rites. Their various beliefs 
conc<'rninK human "spirits" are ((uitc contradictory, but not 
for that reason any less typical perhaps of primitive thoutfht. 
The spirits of the dead are in the first place thou^'ht to f^ "to 
the east." They say that if you po to a certain valley over in 
the desert (they believe that this valley is the place where man- 
kind first came into existence) and put your ear to the ground, 
you will hear (rruntinj;, footfalls, and the humminp of old .songs. 
These sounds are made by spirits of the dead holding the ancient 
dances. The spirit of each indi\'idual is on the other hand sup- 
posed to linger about the localities and objects with which he 
was a.swH'iated during life. For this reason the Diegueno are 
afraid t" handle or di.sturb ancient relies, or to invade places 
where people have formerly lived. They use a certain "medicine 
song" or charm if engaged with objects a.ssociated with dead 
people, to pre<'lude the p(xssibility of confronting a spirit, or 
"diahlo" as they have been taught to call such beings." 

The fear of the di.senibodied human soul seems to lie at the 
base of their mourning ceremonies. The principal feature of 
the mourning practices is the incineration of all a dead man's 



" DuUoid. op. fit., p. 124. record 1093: "Two brothcm wi>ro goinK 
nioni; whrn one wiu bitten l>r a rnttlennako and died of the bite. The 
other nnii nfmid of bis ipirit. It wns followinf; him and terrifWnK him." 



1910] Waterman.— The Seligious Practices of the T)iegucho Indians. 279 

clothes and belongings. A large fire is made at the proper time 
and after appropriate ceremonies; and the deceased person's 
property, which has been carefully segregated, is thrown on the 
fire. The purpose of the incineration is to send the property 
"east" to its owner. While the smoke and sparks of the burn- 
ing material drift upward, the assembled people sing: 

wa katomi aminy ana ie-going essence to-your home 
wa katomi aminy awa is-going essence to-your home 

The animus of the practice seems to be a wish to send the prop- 
erty "to the east" in order that the dead man may have no 
reason to return for it.'^ A ceremony of similar import was 
performed over each dead person, to free his spirit from all 
desire to linger about the corpse. The old men gather about the 
body, and press it time and again with their hands in unison. 
The motion is performed in time to a chant : 



wesi wesi kiyi kiyi finished finished 

papyau wesi kiyi kiyi . . . finished 



At the end of this song, the entire company motion upward with 
their hands into the air, expelling the breath strongly. The 
song, as well as the gesture and the "blowing" action, is repeated 
three times. Then the entire company stamp one foot with a 
deep grunting sound. This sound was uniformly heard by the 
present writer as ' ' mwau, ' '" and occurs very often in nearly all 
Dieguefio ceremonies. Following that the entire company quickly 
expel the breath three times, motioning upward on each occasion. 
It is thought that after this ceremony the body can be safely 
handled and prepared for the mortuary rites. 

Though disease is often explained in primitive thought as a 
"possession" by spirits," it is worth while to note that the Die- 
guefio differ from many primitive peoples in this regard. They 



13 This seems to be the fear of a dead man's return common among 
primitive peoples. 

14 University of California, Department of Anthropology, phonograph 
record 710(2). 

15 This is the action described by Miss DuBois among the Luisefio as 
"a breathing groaning invocation". Dr. A. L. Krocber heard the same 
as "wiau. ■' Op. cit., p. 182. No meaning for it has ever been discovered. 

leThis belief is reflected, of course, in the Xew Testament; and was 
accepted until modern times by the Christian church. 



380 Unirertitjf of California Publieationt in Am. Arch.and Ethm. [Vol.8 

concc'ivf rntluT that the Kyniptonis of dixfafii- are cauiied by cer- 
tain actual deleteriuim Kiilfstances in the IkkIv. It is the biusi- 
ncjes of "tlrK'tom" or iiu-dioiiie men to remove these KulMtanceti. 
"SuekinK" is one method employed. The doctor before l>et;in- 
nini; operationH conceals some small object, Kiich as a seed or a 
wad of hair, in !iis mouth. He then sucks the part of the patient 
affected, and produces this foreit^n uuttter as havini; been sucked 
dircctlj' from the seat of pain or disease. The Diei<uefio believe 
that such material objects can be caused to enter any person's 
Ixidy throu^rh a practice which partakes something of the nature 
of sympathetic ma^ic. This practice was particularly effective 
if a lock of the victim's hair, or something which hail been inti- 
mately a-s-sw-iated with him, could be obtained. For this reason 
the Dief^iefio carefully destroy all of their hair when it is cut off 
as a mark of mourning. 

Certain of their practices nevertheless reflect vajjnely a belief 
tliat disease may be charmed away. Wlicn a man for example 
was taken ill, they stretched him out on the ground and gath- 
ered around him. Then they motioned upward three times with 
the hands, expelling the breath each time. They then danced 
around him from left to right, stepping sideways and singing: 

kninkui puinaski 

wiiiyum tcapa-x . . . slicurinntos 

tuiyutnp plnrc-(hini)-io-miil(lle 

At the conclusion of this song, they sat about the patient in a 
circle. The oliU'st woman present, taking a small ulla or pottery 
cup provided for the purpose, urinated in it. The patient was 
then sprinkled" with an eagle feather, the company chanting: 

nwixi nnrixi awiHi Hprinkling sprinkling sprinkling.'* 
The writer was told by one informant that the people at Mesa 
(Irande were not accustomed to dancing as a cure for disease, 
but instead, blew tobacco-smoke over the sufferer. Dancing, ac- 
cording to this man, was practiced only by the lu-nple who liveil 
in tli<' .south, "near the Mohave." 

llio juico of the jimsonwpcil or toloachc wns al.io uimmI in this wiiy. 
'• Thr piirpow mny hnvo li«'<-n to impart the old woman's ti-nm-ity of 
life to the sick person. A similar i<len |ierhnps is that fonml in I'liLnnd. nhera 
a barren woman weara the <lr«-ss of some neighbor who luis a large family. 



1910] Waterman. — The Seligious Practices of the Diegueiw Indians. 281 

The religious rites of the Diegueno do not to any great 
extent center in definite loealitiei?. Almost all may be executed 
in any convenient spot. One reason for this may be that the 
Diegueno country does not present many striking landmarks 
around which religious beliefs might center. Every village has 
a circular dance ground, kept always in readiness, where the 
dances take place. This is sprinkled and packed down hard to 
keep dust from rising. In former times these dance-circles, 
hlma'k, were surrounded with a wall of brush. This was placed 
upright in the ground and, being held in place by large rocks, 
served to keep the wind away. This brush enclosure seems to 
correspond roughly with the Luisefio wamkish or ceremonial en- 
closure.'" It is not considered sacred, however, as the Luiseiio 
wamkish is said to have been, nor is it guarded with any secrecy.^" 
Among the Diegueno the ceremonial objects were kept in a house 
called kwusitcnyawa."' None but the men concerned in the cere- 
monies ever entered this house. 

Like many primitive people the Diegueiio ascribe great im- 
portance to religious dances. They always dance to the accom- 
paniment of songs. These songs are set off in a number of series, 
each one appropriate to a particular ceremony. Such songs are 
always composed of words and have a definite meaning. They 
usually describe the manner of dancing or mention some fact 
connected with the performance of the ceremony. Thus : 
kwutukwaik kwutukwaik cirele-in-the-other-direction22 

or : 

yaka alolo kewaiya timayaka lies thistle-sage under she-lies 

xalasi kewaiya kewaiya timayaka willow under under she-lies 

timayaka octa kamaali she-Ues that-which . . . 

timayaka otca kabasiw she-lies that-which (is)green23 

In at least one ease, a ceremony known as the Eagle Dance," 
the songs seem to outline a mjth or story. In this usage the 



19 See Boscana, quoted in DuBois, op. eit., p. 77. 

20 Jbid., p. 183. 

21 kwusitc, meaning unknown ; -ny, grammatical ; awa, house. 

22 A song of the girls ' adolescence ceremony, sung while the women 
danced. See below. 

23 A song of the same ceremony, describing the position of the girls 
who undergo it. See below. 

24 See the account of the Eagle Ceremony below. 



262 VniveT$ttjf of Cal>fornui Publtealiont in .4 m. .Ire A. and Ktk». [Vol.8 

Dit'Kiiffio n-wiiiM*' the Mohnve, aiiiunt; whom the sonpi rejru- 
larly ti-U a ston-." Each soiij; aiiiont; the Diejrueno consiiits 
UHuully of two or three words, though the number u ucea.Hioually 
an high tut seven or eight. These words are usually repeated over 
and over again. Sometimes the words arc distorted in the sing- 
ing until the meaning becomes somewhat obscure. 

The air of the .sonn covers usually only a sli^'ht riint;e, th<i\iL:h 
a singer will sometinies intrrnlufe variety by in.serting a short pa.s- 
sage in the octave of the regular pitch. On the whole, their vocal 
music is not devoid of nieUMly. The singing is u.sually done by a 
whole company, one person leading and often beating an accom- 
paniment on a rattle of turtlcshell, axnal. Instruinciital music 
outside of the sound of this rattle is practically unknown at the 
present time. There is in the Dieguefio language a word for 
"flute," the object described being a plain wooden tube with 
four stops, of the type common in California. The writer has 
never seen an actual specimen of this in.stniinent amone the 
Dieguefio. The whistle, tcaxhwiw, was also formerly known, but 
neither it nor the flute seem to have had any ceremonial signifi- 
cance. The rhombus or bull-roarer was used by the Dieguefio 
until recent years. It consists of a sniiwith. narrow piece of 
greascwood about three feet long, fastened end on to a short 
twisted rope of milkweed fibre. When swung rapidly around 
the head of the performer it gives out a deep booming or roaring 
sound. This instrument was formerly sounded three times as 
the signal for an assembly for ceremonial purposes. 

The religious dancing of the Dieguefio docs not exhil)it iniich 
variety of movement. It consists, except in one or two cas«»s, 
in marching around a central fire. The manner of marching or 
moving varies, however, for difTercnt occasions. In the mourn- 
ing ceremonies for example, the movement is clockwise in sint'le 
file. The dancers march face to the front with a sort of twisting 
movement.-* In the girls' puberty ceremony, the women who 
dance hold hands in a circle, while each individual moves side- 



JsSw priwnt Boried, IV, 340, 344; also VIII, ISI. 

'" Th*- women formcrlT woro in thin <lnncc skirta or short iM'tticont.* 
nindp of itripa of rliirr linrk (|>nxal.). Thia tnovcmcDt ia inton<|p<l to mnkp 
tlii><M' akirta awiab biick ami forth. 



1910] Waterman.— The Keligiom Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 283 

ways in a contra-clockwise direction. In a ceremony known as the 
Fire dance, men and women join together and hold hands in a 
circle. Then the entire circle rotates first in a clockwise and then 
in a contra-clockwise direction. The individual members alter- 
nately run forward and side-step. The only dance which appears 
in a measure complicated is the so-called ' ' War dance ' ' which is 
danced by initiates into the awik cultus. The step consists of a 
jump forward, made with the feet together, followed by a short 
step with each foot. The general movement of the dance alter- 
nates between circling about in contra-clockwise direction, 
stamping the feet without moving in either direction, and 
jumping backwards in line. The changes from one manner of 
dancing to another are instantaneoiis and always executed in 
perfect unison. The dance is accompanied throughout by grunt- 
ing and gesticulation and when in full swing exhibits no little 
animation. The most picturesque dance among the Diegueiio is 
known as the whirligig, tapakwirp.^' It is danced in the daytime 
while the great Mourning Ceremony, Kenik, southern dialect 
Wukeruk, is in progress. The single performer in this dance, 
attired in a ceremonial dress of eagle feathers, yipexai, moves 
rapidly in a clock^vise direction around the periphery of a circle, 
at the same time whirling from left to right. The Diegueno have 
several other dances, but all of them are of the simple marching 
type. 

Both men and women, as just indicated, have a share in the 
religious dances of the Diegueiio. In some ceremonies both sexes 
take an active part, as in the early part of the Fire dance for 
instance. The adolescence ceremonies for girls are the peculiar 
prerogative of the matrons of each village. Women, however, 
and all those who have not drunk the kusT, are excluded from 
the corresponding ceremony for boys. Frequently, however, the 
sex which does not take active part in a ceremony sings the songs 
which accompany it. The men, for example, sing during the 
progress of the girls' ceremony, while the women dance. The 
women on the other hand sing the songs of the men's "War 



27 This is the dance described variously by Miss DuBois, A. L. Kroeber, 
and P. S. Sparkman as the Morahash, Tatahuila, and Dance with the Eagle 
Feather Skirt (present series, VIII, 101, 183). 



284 Vnirerttty of California Publtnttion* in Am. Arek. and Elkn. [Vol.8 

dance." There in no indieatiun that womi-n ever take active part 
in th(»se cerfinonies which are supposed to concern maffic powers. 
The final part of the Fire dance, in which the performers affect to 
dance on the hot coaU, ia danced by men alone. It is certain 
that women never Ix-came "doctors" or maf^ciana. The mother 
of Chaup is said in the myths to l)e "just like a man. IxH'aast* she 
knew everything."" 

The Diesfiiefio people have of course for some m-nerations 
been under the Chri.stianizinp infiuence of the Roman Catholic 
Church. The teachings of Christianity have not. however, wholly 
eradicated their ancient religion. A t'o<xl deal of importance 
is .still attached, particularly by the old people, to the native 
observances. Many of these however have in actual practice 
fallen into disuse. At the present time only a few dances are 
repidnrly or normally practiced. The decadent observances have 
however been disi-ontinued only within the past twenty-five years. 
Clear accounts of them are therefore in mo«t ca.ses obtainable. 
It seems almo.st certain that the main outline at least of their 
ceremonial usatrea remains intact to the present day. 

CUSTOMS CONCERNING BIRTH AND ADOLESCENCE. 

The expectant mother amonsr the Die<rueno refrains as far as 
possible from meat and salt. This is held to make childbirth less 
danjrerous. At birth the navel string of the infant is cut with a 
flint knife, hakwuca. A poultice or small mat of pounded white 
willow bark, myai., southern dialect meyai,. is then heated at the 
fire and placed on the infant's abdomen. Amoni; the northern 
Diepuefio a small flat stone perforated at one side, mii^putapa, 
was used in place of the willow bark. This was thought, by 
warming the stomach, to cause the child's digestion to be good 
for life. So far as the present writer could ascertain, no customs 
attach to the umbilical cord it.self. Wrappings or swaddling 
clothes of nettle fibre, ahoai,.** were put on the child immedi- 
ately. As soon as practicable thereafter the infant was bound 
on a straight "cradle-boanl" made of willow twigs. This bind- 



"Journ. Am. Folk Lore, XA'II, 229, 1904. 
'» Compare above, p. 278. 



1910] Waterman. — The Seligiom Practices of the BicgueTxo Indians. 2S3 

ing on the cradle-board is thought to make his back straight and 
stroDiT. The people say nowadays that all the old men, who are 
as a rule remarkably hardy, show the advantage of this practice. 
The younger generation, who are laid in beds and baby-buggies 
and other soft places, grow up round-shouldered, and are not 
sturdy like the older generation. 

The customs and restrictions attending adolescence are made 
the occasion of long and somewhat complicated ceremonies. 
Boys were put through the rather violent kusi or jimsonweed 
initiation into manhood.""^ At this time they were taught the 
practices which are supposed to prove the possession of magic 
power. The proper religious knowledge was taught them through 
the medium of a great "painting" made on the ground in seeds 
and colored earths. The girls escaped the administration of the 
jimsonweed drug, and were not shown any painting.'" Their 
ceremony had quite a different purpose, and was apparently con- 
cerned primarily with the prospect of motherhood. The differ- 
ence between the two ceremonies might be summed up by saying 
that the boys' ceremony was primarily an initiation into a cere- 
monial cultus, while the girls' ceremony referred to their physio- 
logical well-being in their future life. 

GIELS' ADOLESCENCE CEEEMONY. 

The Atanuk, or girls' adolescence ceremony, will be found to 
correspond closely with the Wukunish ceremony of the Luiseiio. 
There is no internal evidence, however, of a Luiseiio source, since 
the songs throughout are in the Diegueiio language. The cere- 
mony is not however mentioned in Diegueno mythology as far 
as this mythology is known at the present time. The ceremony 
is the same as that described briefly by Rust" and others as the 
"roasting of girLs." 



2'Ja Cf. p. 274 and note 3a. 

3" It must be observed that this eontrailiets the account given of this 
ceremony by Miss DuBois, op. eit., p. 96. The boys' ceremony is one of the 
awik or "imported series, while the girls' ceremony is thought by the present 
writer to be older and original with the Diegueiio themselves. 

31 H. N. Rust, ' ' A Puberty Ceremony of the Mission Indians, ' ' Am. 
Anthr., n. s. VIII, 28, 1906. For Luiseno" accounts see DuBois, op. cit., pp. 
93, 174, 224 ; Am. Anthr., n. s. VII, 62.5, 190.5. 



280 VnivFTtity of California Publtfatioiti in Am. Arch, and Kthn. (Vol. 8 

Several K\r\n undorRO the ceremony at the same time. At 
lea«t one of them ha.H to Im? in the actual period of adolescence, 
while the others may be either older or younger. A pit, Lopop, 
is duK. larRe enough to accommodate all of the jrirls when 
stretched out at full lcn>,'th. This excavation is lined with stones 
and a large fire kindled in it. When the stones become very hot, 
the fire is taken out and the pit filled with preen herbs. Three 
kinds are used, white sage or bii-tai. thistle sage, Saivia carduacea, 
or aloio, and common ragweed. Ambrosia psUoglarhya, or xawoxa. 
The girls are then brought to the edge of the pit and s«'ated, in 
the presence of all the people of the village. At a signal the 
entire company motion upward three times, expelling the breath 
each time. The leader then fills a ba.sketry cap. npuRi., with 
water, and mixes in it crumbled native tobacco, up. Each girl 
then takes a large drink of the liquid. If there were anything 
evil or morbid inside of the girl. tliLs drink, it is thought, would 
cause her to vomit it out, and she would never thereafter be 
troubled by it. Whatever the case among the Lui.seno," this 
ceremony is not considered by the Dicguefio to be an ordeal. 
They strive rather after a benign physiological effect. After 
the girls have drunk this mixture, they are placed at full length, 
face-downward on the bed of herbs, and covered with a blanket, 
wukwiL, of rabbitskin. Sage-brush, bihtai, is then piled over 
them. The heat of the rocks causes a fragrant steam to rise 
about the girls. This is kept up by occasionally renewing the 
herbs and putting in new hot rocks. The girls remain in this 
pit with Hs little movement as jio.ssible as long as they can stand 
the strain of confinement, except as mentioned below. This U 
usually about one week, though girls who are not of a nervous 
disposition stand it for three or four. The longer the confine- 
ment, the greater the benefit is s\ipposed to be. 

A ceremonial crescent-shaped stone, atulku, (pi. 21, fig. 1), is 
warmed at the fire and placed in tuni between the legs of each 
girl close against her body." The supposed effect was to warm 
and soften the abdominal muscles. The <|uiility iiii|iartcd by 

'• DuBoU, op. cit., pp. 94, 178. 
'> Bust, op. eit. 



1910] JVaterman. — The Beligious Practices of the Diegueno Indiaits. 287 

this means was thought to last through life, and to make future 
motherhood easier for the girls. A garland or ' ' hat ' ' of ragweed, 
xawoxa, wrapped with tule, asok, is placed on each girl's head. 
This garland is renewed every day while they remain in the pit. 
They also wear on their wrists, throughout the ' ' roasting, ' ' brace- 
lets made of human hair. Their faces are painted black each 
morning with straw-charcoal. 

Certain restrictions are placed on the girls during the prog- 
ress of this ceremony and for some time afterward. They are 
required in the first place, as already noted, to stay in the pit 
with as little movement as possible, leaving it only for short 
periods at a time. If they moved about or were restless they 
would through after life be nervous and discontented. Once every 
day they are taken out, carefully wrapped in blankets,'* while 
the pit is lined with hot rocks and filled with fresh brush. Dur- 
ing this period and for as long as possible afterward, the girls 
abstain absolutely from meat and salt. They are however given 
plenty of sage-seed mush and drinking water. They are not 
supposed to look at people, especially at men.'^ They are care- 
fully warned not to touch their hair with their hands. If they 
do so it will come out. For this reason each girl is given two 
"seratchers" of shell, or of late years two small sticks of wood, 
which she uses should scratching become necessary. It is notice- 
able both in this and the following features that the Diegueno 
do not show the fear concerning the phenomena of menstrual 
life in women, which is common among primitive races. The 
r&strictions prescribed during menstruation and during the pe- 
riod of adolescence spring usually among savage peoples from 
the belief that the glance or touch of a woman in that condition 
will have a harmful effect on other people or on the world. 
Among the Diegueno however the restrictions, at least as far as 
indicated by their adolescence ceremonies, seem to refer rather 
to the well-being of the girl herself. Outside of the enforced 
inaction the ceremony under discussion seems to have been rather 

34 Beyond the covering of blankets, the girls in this ceremony seem to 
have worn no clothing. One informant at Campo, however, said that they 
wore short skirts of wiUow-bark, fastened to belts made of milkweed fibre. 

35 Cf. above, p. 277. 



::t9 ( niirrjify (if California Fublxcationg in Am. Areh. and Ethn. [Vol.8 

j>lensant than otlu-nviso. The time bttwwn chatting, lauRhing, 
and slet'pinjr piiKwd vi-ry i-htH-rfully. 

The t'irls nre i>luoed in the pit UKually in the afternoon to- 
wnnls Kiinst't. Wh<n they are eonifortably fixed, the matrons 
of the villa^'e ^'nther around them, each woman hohJinir a small 
branch of white sat'e. At a sif^ai they wa%'e these branches up 
and (h>wn. Meanwhile two of the older women chant : 

vrutcaitri wutcuitci covor cover 

oMimaira kamaroiro bnub fine 

cu ! eu ! 

This sonjc is repeated for quite a lon(j time. Then the branches 
are dipped in water and the pirls sprinkled. The same two 
women sing: 

lilmalilmalila lilninlilnialil HpriDk-Rprink-Rprinkle 

xawoxa malila piLvatai malil nifpreoil gprinkle aage-bruah sprinkle 

When tlie sun gets low, all the women join hands in a circle about 
the pit. Then they dance around in a line from left to right. 
Each woman holds her anns out from her sides and raises first 
one hand and then the other in time to the music. The men sing 
the following song while the women dance: 

yuliyu yulijii timnna low-down hc-is-flying (or sailing) 
yuliyu yuliyu timana low-down hois-flying 
eul eu! 

"Yuliyu" is wiid of a bird when he is flying or sailing low. near 
the ground. The song is said to refer to the sun. 

When the sun has gone down, the dancers circle in the oppo- 
site direction (tluit is. ('(nitriiry tu the course of the sun), while 
the men sing: 

kwutukwnik kHiitokw.iik .-irrlc itu'otherway circle-the-otherway 
cu ! eu ! 

The custom is for these dances to continue all night. A great 
many songs are known, of which the following are .samples: 

ki'ima ki-ima dance! dance!>« 

niyuwiw kayu letus sco (you) now! 

eu! cu! 



"> Univemity of California pbonogmph record 7-14(5). 



1910] JVoterman.—The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueiio Imhans. 



289 



yaka alolo kewaiya timayaka 
xalasi kewaiya kewaiya 
timayaka otca kama all 
timayaka otca kabasiw 



lying thistle-sage under she-is-lyiiig^? 
willow under under 
She-is-lying (under) that-which . . . 
Sbe-is-lying (under) that-which (is) green 



yoyokanaitc yoyokanaitc 
mariyoi raariyoi 
eu! 



you-must-sing you-must-singss 
you-are-embarrassed you-are-embarrassed 
eu! 



After a nniiiber of songs of this character, the dancers no 
longer hold hands, but each woman dances by herself. The fol- 
lowing are specimens of the songs sung during this second period : 

Diai katcyiw 

ipaka tcawam 

kto kaLteo yiwaka 



where? shall-we-start-to sing 
here we-will-start 



waikatca waikatca 
eu! 

wiyam tcwa no 
wiyam tewa nomeskwa 
opwiyam wesoLke 
yipexai wiyam 

eu! 



eu! 

he went for 

he-went for feather-case-made-of-tule 
he-went (for) elder-bark-skirt 
feather-skirt he-went (for) 



When the sun ro.se they sang the following song 
inya-tcopuk amiyo sunrise I-menstruate 

inya-tcopuk tcamico sunrise . . . 

yolami yolami 

kwakwar kwinyor . . . red 



On the second and following days of this ceremony it is the 
custom for the people of neighboring villages to come and join 
in the ritual. The following song was sung when a part}' of 
strangers was seen approaching: 

pok nyawiyeu there they-are-coming*" 

wa xohapi house they-join-us 

eu! eu! 

During the progress of this ceremony each of the girls is 
tattooed on the face. The process is performed with a cactus 
thorn and powdered charcoal, and therefore requires some little 



-- Ibul, 745. 
38 /bid., 746(1). 
39 Ibid., 747(1). 
*oIbid., 744(1). 



:;U0 fniirrjify of CaUfornia Publlfat^ont in Am. Arch, and Elhn. [Vol.8 

time. A little is done everj- day until the whole in completed. 
One of the old women begins it on the second day of the "roast- 
ing". The usual design in n stripe downward from each corner 
of the mouth, with sometimen a third stripe down the middle 
of the chin.*' A small disc is sometimes tattooed between the 
eyes. If this tattooing were not done, it is believ«Hl that the girls 
would turn into beetles when they die. 

BAD SONGS. 

Part of each day, iisually the afternoon, is given up to the 
singing of curious songs which are called by the people "bad" 
songs. The intent of these songs is to insult and revile the 
people of hostile villages. The songs name over people in each 
village who have recently died. With the Dieguefio, as among 
many primitive races, the naming of a decea.sed relative or friend 
is deadly injur}'. Some of these songs refer to other unplea.sjint 
fact.s about people, or ridicule them in various ways. They are 
sung by the men, while the women gather in two groups, one 
at the head and one at the fofit of the reclining girls, and dance. 
This dancing is done by rising on the toes and dropping back 
on the heels in time to the music. Their hands are at times held 
out in front, palm upwards, with forearm stiff. At other 
times they hang loosely. The position is shown in pi. 26, fig. 1. 
It was impossible, owing to the long skirt worn when the photo- 
graph wfus taken, to determine wlx'thcr or not the toes are ever 
lifted from the ground. 

Specimens of such songs are the following: 

ikitcynu ikitoynu «' 

amipuitcni your-daughtcr 

amixoiiini Tour son 

nrhamaiito ynupo oncmion all 

aitro toojcpo I-namo thom<> 

nyitfo hixpo Inamo tht-m 

uminyo ninypo Vdurwifo 

mohnyi ainpo your-niothrr-inlaw 

This song (used by the people of Mesji Grande') refers to a 
man of another village whose daughter, son, wife, ami mothcr- 



♦ 1 Few wompn show thin tattoo at the present day. 

• ' Uni%-onuty of California phonof^rapb record 729. 

♦> Til one woriln aiton traxpo are Kaid to be "in the lnD);uB|;e of Son 
Dieguito. " Nothinj; further i» kmiwii of a dialect there. 



1910] Waterman. — The Religious Practices of the Diegueho Indians. 291 

in-law had all died within a short period. The village where 
he lived was said to be near where San Diegnito is now. 

A second song referring to the same people was used at 
Mesa Grande. The people from San Dieguito once came un- 
bidden to Mesa Grande to take part in a festival, so the people 
there sing this song about them. 

kwonyuwai itca our-relatives they-thought" 

peyam wiyu they-eome-this-way 

pinyai poitcai Mexican's daughter^!" 

iiosom moral (has)-no-sense 

The following song is also sung at Mesa Grande, but the 
singer had forgotten the circumstances to which it refers. 

xitoL toyomsa North (she-was) -sitting 

amoitc nya kwasau they-killed me eating 

awa sauits mesiny kersents (at) -home was girl (proper name) 

awa sauits mesiny peRlata (at) -home was girl (proper name) 

awa sauits, etc. (at)-home was, etc. 

The two following songs, one of them a fragment, were ob- 
tained at Campo. 

peyam wiw they-come, look! 

peyam m'riyoi they-come a-shameful- (sight) 

hamau kokapa fire around 

haminyo sinytci (incomplete) . . .*» woman-his 

It wa.s formerly the custom in singing certain of these songs 
to name over all the places and landmarks between the village 
of the people mentioned in the song and the home of the singer. 
Many of these place-names are no longer used, however, and the 
songs are therefore in part forgotten. The following fragments 
will illustrate the point. 

makatco yiwoka ■" 

xitoL ketcuyu (from-the) -north we-will-hring 

kawaka tcawam (from-the) -east we-will-start 

tcoxixa tcoxixa (incomplete) we-will-name we-will-name 

milaiya-a-a xitoL-pi (people-are)-dead up-north 

Monterey-pi railaiya at-Monterey (people-are) -dead 

Pueblo Ariwa yupi (incomplete) at-Pueblo Ariwa also** 



** University of California phonograph record 728. 

45 ' ' Mexican ' ' is said to have been applied to these people as a term 
of reproach. 

48 The word was not translated by the informant. Haminyo means 
sandal in Mohave. 

4' University of California phonograph record 748. 

48 Place-names in Spanish have been introduced into this song. 



^2 C'nitrraify of Catifomta Publieatwiu in Am. Arch, and Elhn. [Vol.8 

CO.N'CLITSIOX OP THE GIRLS' CEREMONY. 

With such inatterH thi* time eiapst-tl day by day until the 
girLs eouKl ikj lonRiT t'lidurt thi- inaction of remaining in the 
I»it. As each prl Hurrendired and came out, she took off her 
garland and her hair hraceh-ts and left them in the pit to be 
bunii'd with the brush when the whole ceremony was com- 
plett-d." One informant ut lAts Conejos spoke of the girls leav- 
ing the [>it at the end of af)out a week. According to him, they 
were then put in a niw face downward while four grown women 
walked on their back.s. Thi.s was to make them straight. While 
one woman walked, the others stcxnl at the girls' feet, covering 
their faces with their hands. For the first month after leaving 
the pit the faces of these girls were painted black with straw- 
ehareoal. Throutrh the second month they were painte<] red 
with vertical stripes, axwitc, of black. Throughout the third 
iimnth the pattern was a series of horizontal 8trip<^ of black, 
xieanikwir. on a red background. For at least si.x months after 
first entering the pit they were supposed to abstain from meat 
and salt, and to eat very slowly. Otherwise they would be glut- 
tonous in after life. If they abstained, they would live long. 
At the end of this period they were given a little meat, just a 
ta.ste. As soon as they began to t-at meat their faces were no 
longer painted. 

The corresponding ceremony among the southern Diegueno 
differed slightly from that jierformed near Mes/j Grande. Only 
two kiniLs of herbs seem to have been put by the people of the 
south into the pit with the girls. They were willow, ayau, and 
white sage, bii.tai. Informants at Campo denietl that they used 
the ere.scent-stone there. The girls seem to have remaine<l in 
the pit for a definite period of seven days. In place of the head- 
dress already described they wore a wreath of yellow flowers, 
mii.tasiw. It is denied in the southern n-gion that the girls 
were given the tobacco-water to drink, as was the ca.se among 
the Luisefio and the northern Diegueno." Thev are .said also 



*» ,\oc<inling to an iiifnrmnnt at Mi>(in Gramlp, thoy wore mink or 
"liurie<l" in a large npriiif; near the l(M-nti«n of the present ranrheria at 
that plare. 

»» DuBoi», op. cit., pp. »4, ITfi; .Am. Antlir.. n.». VIII. .12. 1906. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of tlte Diegucho Indians. 293 

to have worn skirts of willow-bark, caiynla, fastened to a belt 
of milkweed fibre. Mention is made at Campo of a daily bath 
taken by all the girls during the pi-ogress of the ceremony. '' 
The Diegueiio, whenever questioned, say that the purpose of 
the ceremony is to make the girls live long. 

In the corresponding Luiseiio ceremony^^ the girls are said 
to have had a footrace and to have painted the rocks in the 
neighborhood of their village. Rock-paintings exist in the Die- 
gueiio country, but are said to have been made by the boys in 
connection ^rith another ceremony, the description of which is 
as follows: 

BOYS' ADOLESCEA'CE CEREMONY. 

The boys' puberty or toloaehe ceremony among the Diegueno 
is similar to the corresponding ceremony^-" performed by the 
Luiseiio. The songs are partly sung in the Luiseiio language. 
The accounts of the Diegueno ceremony obtained by the present 
writer dift'er from each other in a number of minor details. They 
also diifer somewhat from the published accounts of the Luiseiio 
rite. In the matter of the so-called ground-painting or sand 
picture made for the instruction of the initiates, the Diegueiio 
and Luiseiio usages seem especially to differ. 

With the Diegueiio, as with the Luiseiio, the ceremony is 
essentially an initiation. It begins with the administration of 
an intoxicating extract of the jimson-weed. Datura meteloides, 
Spanish toloaehe, Diegueiio kusl. The boys and men who have 
drunk this decoction may take part subsequently in certain cere- 
monies. These practices are never participated in by outsidei-s. 
Besides this actual privilege, the initiates theoretically obtain 
at the time certain magic or shamanistie powers. There exist 
a number of tricks, such as dancing on the fire or killing an 
eagle by witchcraft, which are passed along to all the initiates. 
Those who have undergone the ceremony may almost be said 
to be bound into a fraternity by the possession of these secrets. 



51 In Luiseno, the word "to menstruate the first time," aci, is a specific 
use of the general word which means ' ' to bathe. ' ' 

52 DuBois, present series, op. cit., pp. 96, 174. 
52ai6!d., pp. 77, 176; Sparkman, p. 221. 



294 l'niver$itif of Catifomxa rubliraltom in Am. Arch, and Kthn. (Vol. 8 

Althoinrli thi-»e trick* are iimially quiti- traiwparciit to the out- 
side i)W'rver, they form real capital amon^; the niediciue-nien 
even at the present day. 

The toloache eerenioiiy is under^cone but once by each indi- 
vidual. The reeurrent rites which are performed at varying 
perioiLs by all who have undergone the toloache initiation, include 
those dfscrilK'd in the following pa^fes as the War dance or 
hoKLoi, the awik mourning ceremonies (not to be eonfiLs<.>d with 
the Keruk mourninjf ceremony, which i.s thought to be the older), 
and the Eagle dance. 

The administration of the jimson-wced extract or kusi is 
superintended by officiaU called the kaponaiu, corresponding to 
the Luijicno paha. Their number is given variously as four, 
and as a good many — five or six. These men go at night to 
the house, kwiisitcnyawa, where the ceremonial objects are kept. 
A quantity of jimson-wecd nnjt has already been pithcrcd and 
dried for u.sc in this rite. They break some of this root up. and 
put it in a small ceremonial mortar, kalmo (pi. 21, fig. 2), which 
is kept for the purpose. This kalino is said to have been freshly 
painted each time in vertical red and black stripes. The red 
used wjis the iron ru.st, or oxide of iron, precipitated by the 
iron springs of the region. The black seems from the description 
to have been graphite. This substance is found in places on 
the desert east of the Diegueno country proper. One man takes 
the mortar and prepares to pound. Another puts his closed tLst 
to his mouth, tubelike, and makes a long-drawn sound like 
"u-u-u-u-i-i-i-i." As long as this sound continues, the first man 
pounds the root in the mortar. As he strikes, the others chant : 
tcukia! tcukin! puunil! pound!'' 

When the long-drawn sound ceases the pounding stops, and 
till' mortar is passed to one of the other men. Then the first 
man repeats the sound and the pounding goes on. When the 
root gets bniken up into small pieces they chant : 
ycikin! yokia! fine! fine! 

When it is almost fine enou^'h for use they chant : 
wrsia wwiia rcuily rcmly 



" Uoivcntity of C'alifuniia |ihuno|;ra|>b rccunl 739. L'f. DuUoiii, op. cit., 
p. 78, uoto \2. 



1910] Waterman. — The Seligions Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 295 

Several accounts are given of the way in which the drug 
was administered. In the vicinity of Mesa Grande they seem 
to have poured hot water on the powder in the mortar itself. 
They allowed it to stand for awhile to steep. Then the young 
boys were brought in and allowed to drink directly from the 
mortar. One of the kaponaiL slipped his hand under each boy's 
forehead and pulled his head up when he seemed to have taken 
enough. One infomiant at Santa YsabeP* told the writer that 
they boiled the powder in a small jar of pottery, and strained 
the juice into basketry cups. As cups they used the close-woven 
basketry caps, npuBL. In the southern part of the Diegueno 
region they put the powder on a flat basket, sunguLk, and poured 
hot water over it, catching the resulting liquid in a large deep 
basket, xapituL. They then dipped small cups of pottery into 
the large basket and gave the boys each a drink. 

In the meantime a large fire has been built in the dance- 
circle, himak, and all the people have assembled there. When 
the boys have each drunk the liquid, the kaponaiL lead them in 
a group to the dance-circle. When the people see them coming 
they begin to sing: 

kwisi maimoni 

maino xaikotera nita 

As the boys enter the dance-circle a number of the old men 
of the village go up and each take charge of a boy. These men 
are thereafter "sponsors", nyuxut, for such boys. They guide 
them through the entire ceremony and teach them how to dance. 
On this first night, each nyuxut stands behind his protege, as 
they all stand in a circle around the fire. The men hold the 
boys under the armpits. Then the kwaipai leads the company 
in a song, and they march or push the boys around the fire, sway- 
ing them from side to side. The song is as follows : 

hayompa hayomss 

hayompa hayom 
and is said to mean "look at your .son, look at your son". The 



S4 Manuel Lachuso. 

'6 University of California phonograph record 740(i). Said by a Luiseno, 
when the record was played for him, to be in the language of the north, San 
Gabriel, like most his own people 's songs connected with the toloache cult. 



21*6 Vniirrttty of California PubUeattoiu in Am. Areh. and Ethn. [Vol.8 

iiiitiiitt-s s(Kin bt-pn to f«'i'l the fffi-cts of tin- drinr, and to havo 
ilifReulty in ketpinj; their fe«t. The people vary thia first chaot 
by Hincint; the Konp< of the war dance, hoRLoi. When one in- 
formant took the drink, he recalls that they sanp this sonp: 

uniMion Brmrowi 
iinuniai niknuknini 

When the boys can no lonj;ur keep their feet and move about, 
they are led or carried outside of the dance circle and put some- 
where to sleep off the effects. Durinp this sleep or unconscious- 
ness they are expected to have a vision or dream which is to 
be important for them in their future life. This vision often 
takes the form of a dream aUiut some animal. For in.stance, 
an old man of Mesa Grande, when as a boy he took the drug, saw 
Grou.se sittini; on the ground. (JroiLse said : 

kamiyowni'i I am siDf^og 

onvak arsa rastcm bird 

invik arna western bird 

itrcatpxo i^ouae 

komilai I-ani-amaD 

After this experience, the man took this sonp for his own. 
The prouse was thereafter "his" bird to the extent that he 
would never kill one or injure one of the species. The feelinp 
is so vapue, however, that the words "totemLsm" or "fetishism" 
cannot properly be used in connection with it." After all the 
initiates liave "fallen about" helple.ss from the effi-cts of the 
drup Mild been carried outside, the prowTi people continue to 
dance the War danee till daybreak. 

The drup is piven soon after dark, and the subjects do not 
repain full consciousness until late the next mominp. The first 
precaution on their awakeninp is to pive them larpe dniuphts 
of warm water to fnv their systems of the drup. Otherwise they 
"swell up" and are in daiiper of dyinp. Even prown men have 
die<l from the effects of the ceremony." Each boy is then iriven 
a bath or a swim. They are then painted black from head to 
f<K)t with .straw charcoal. Some of the men thereupon <'hew 



»• See bolow UDilor the arrount of the Tapakwirp. 

»T Grown men who ha<l never taken the drug were sometimes initiatnl. 



1910] JTatermati.—The Beligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 297 

white clay (soapstone?) and blow the powder over the boys, 
making them part white.^^ This painting is expected to make 
them live long, or, as another informant said, to keep the east 
wind from making them cold after the drugging.^' 

For one day after the administration of the kusi they are 
allowed no food of any sort. At the close of that period a bowl 
of sage-seed mush, Spanish "atole," is offered each one. As he 
puts out his hand to take it, however, the kaponaiL yell, "awi! 
awi!" (rattlesnake! rattlesnake!) and jerk the bowl away. If the 
boy is quick enough he grabs a handful or two. Otherwise he 
gets nothing at all. For six days after the drugging they are 
given no meat, and but very little mush.^"* 

To ease the pangs of actual starvation during this period, 
they are given belts, inyip, made of tule. These are about four 
inches wide and made to tie in front. They are tightened from 
time to time toward the close of the six-day fast. 

The probability is that the boys are extremely ill on the first 
of these six days. No exertion is required of them, at any rate, 
until the afternoon of the second day. At that time the boys, 
together with the kaponaiL, walk to a second and smaller en- 
closure distant about one hundred yards from the dance-circle. 
From this enclosure they crawl back in a group to the dance- 
circle on their hands and knees. The kaponaiL walk beside them, 
each dragging a long pole. The whole company stop three times 
on the way for a short period. Wliile in motion they keep up 
a continual grunting, which sounds like "a-ha-ha-ha, a-ha-ha- 
ha". This procession is made every day for three days. 

At the end of that time the sponsors, nyuxut, take the boys 
in charge early every night, and teach them to dance. After 
dancing all night they are led away in the morning by the ka- 
ponaiL to a house chosen for the purpose, to be fed a little and 

58 Similarly the Mohave medicine-men blow frothy saliva over their 
patients. 

59 Manuel Lachuso at Santa Ysabel is the authority for the statement 
that the painting was done by young women especially chosen for the pur- 
pose. If true at Santa Ysabel, it seems not to have been the case elsewhere. 

59a The corresponding ceremony among the Luiseno has been called 
mani. This root mani means to abstain. 



29H Cnirerntji of Cahfornta Publicat\OHt in Am.Arrh.anJ Kthn. [Vol.8 

put to sleep. As thi-y l.-nvi- thi> dance-circle they always sin^; 
the following' ehaiit : 

kwiiii maiinoni*o 
niaino kaikotira 
niio kwaikora 

When they have Roiie one hundred yard.s frt)ni the dance- 
eirele they stop sinpinp and walk to the chosen house in an 
irrejrular crowd. 

After the first si.x days, visitors are expected from each of 
the neiRhljoring villapes to teach them other dances. Such vis- 
itors always come in jrroups, and halt when about one hundred 
yards from the danee-cirele, until one of the kaponaii. fi(Hfi out 
and "tells them that all is in readiness". Then they bejrin 
pruntinp "a-ha-ha-ha, a-ha-ha-ha", and approach the circle 
where the tribe waits in silence. Room is made in the center 
of the enclosure, and each strancer, taking a boy in charge, 
teaches him dances and songs until daylight. Each boy in this 
way learns a number of songs which are different from those 
sung in his home village. A sort of proprietorship was held 
and recognized over songs. Certain men know songs which they 
learned from their fathers, or which other men have "given" 
them. The people never sing such .s<jngs unless the "owner" 
is present to lead them. This giving away of songs may account 
for the fact that the Dieguefio sing a great many LuLseno .songs, 
since there hius been, first and last, a good deal of intercourse 
between the two peoples. 

After the first three days the boys arc painted with broad 
stripes of white powdered soapstone. These stripes cross on the 
breast, pass over each shoulder, and meet on the back. PI. 26, 
fig. 2, representing a man prepared for the Whirligig dance or 
Tapakwirp, shows the general appearance of this white paint. 
One side of the face in the ea.se of the ]>oya is painted white, the 
otiier red. The feet during alM)ut the first week are striped trans- 
versely in black and white; after the first week, in black and n'<l. 

The food given is gradually increa.sed in quantity from day 



•0 Univoniity of Cnliforniu phono(;raph record 740(5). Conipnro tho gong 
((ivcn OD pngo 295. 



1910] Waterman.— The Eeligious Practices of the Biegueno Indians. 299 

to day after the first three days. It consists exclusively, how- 
ever, of unsalted acorn or sage-seed mush. At the end of a 
month the initiates are taken to .some creek about a mile away 
from the village. Here the head of each candidate is carefully 
freed of lice."' The tule hunger-belts are then removed, sunk 
in the creek, and weighted down with rocks. In the course of 
time a certain bu.sh, ipewi. it is said, grows up out of these belts, 
in the water. Under ordinary circumstances this bush grows, 
it is thought, only on the tops of high mountains away from the 
water. 

After the burying of the belts, all the partj', men and boys, 
join in a footrace, mutpikw^iL, to the dance-circle. The fir.st to 
arrive is held to be a "high-bred man", and if it chances to be 
a boy, his relatives throw baskets and the like in the air for other 
people to pick up. This does not often occur, however. Men 
hide in the bushes and grass along the race-course, and as the 
straining youths pass by in the race, these fresh men join in 
and easily beat them. They do this "for a joke". If a boy 
runs good and fast on this occasion, he will always be fleet of 
foot. 

The first half of each night during the following month is 
spent in dancing. The boys are given all the acorn mush they 
can eat. The purpose of the fasting which precedes is to accustom 
them to get along in after life on little food. Toward the end of 
the period the boys are each given by his sponsor a plume of 
owl or crow feathers, and in addition to that a painted stick 
to carry in the dances. This stick is flat, pointed at one end, 
and sometimes inlaid with abalone shell. It is similar to the 
"hechicero" stick, kotat, Luiseno paviut, carried by the old 
dancers, but has no "medicine-stone" or flint fastened in the 
end. Figs. 1 and 2 show such hechicero sticks. This stick is 
sometimes decorated with yellowhammer feathers and eagle down. 
The following song is sung by the women when the boys are 
given the feather plumes and painted sticks : 

nerosrita 
nikwam mimaino 
miyip notomyara 



■ See above, in the Introfluction. 



300 rnircTdly of CaUfornia Publiealtoiu in Jm. Areh. and Etkn. (Vol. 8 

At the clone of this period a sacred painting of the world w 
made on the (jround. 



Of 




Fi({urc 1. — Four ocromoniiil wan<]8 ia poii»c»»ion of Mr. V.. H. Dnviii. 
Nob. 1, 2, from a cave in the Jo«ort. PainU-iI reil. Inlay lout from No. 1. 
No. 3, Dieffuc'fio from McHa Grande. No. 4, LuiiioBo from La Jolla. 



TllK OHOUNDPAINTINU. 

Several variations in this ground-painting have come to light 
in the Diegiiefio counfry, hut all such are of one geni-ral type. 
All alike are finite different from anything reported among the 
Luiseno."' The painting (pi. 24, 25), which is .some fifteen or 
eighteen feet in diameter, is a map or diagram of the world 
aa known to the Diegiieno. It is said to have been made 
inside of the kwusitcnyawa, or hou.se where the ceremonial 



'■ DuHois, op. cit., pp. 87, 171). 



1910] Waterman.— The Beligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 301 

objects were preserved. In form it is a circle, representing the 
visible limits of the earth — in other words, the horizon. This 
circle marks the place where the sky, amai, touches, or seems to 
touch, the ground. The circle is, therefore, itself called amai. 
It is made in white powdered soapstone. The name and mean- 
ing of this circle are identical wherever the Diegnieiio were ques- 
tioned."^ 

Across the circle stretches a broad white line from east to 
west, also made in white powder. This represents the Milky- 
Way, called amai xatatkuRL, sky- its-backbone. This feature is 
also constant wherever the painting was described to the writer. 




Figure 2. — Ceremonial wand from Mesa Grande. Length 23 inches. Pea- 
body Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, No. 4-66454. 



The other heavenly bodies are indicated here and there within 
the circle, since they are all situated centrally to the visible horizon. 
The sun, inyau, and the full moon, xabya, are represented as 
disks. They are made in the red oxide of iron from the mineral 
springs. The sun is considered to "make" the large circle, amai, 
and is therefore drawn near the circumference. Its precise loca- 
tion with reference to other objects in the circle seems to have 
varied among different villages. The full moon was placed in 
the center, near the Milky Way. The new moon, xaLya-xai, is 
drawn in the northern half of the great circle, near the eastern 
end of the ]\Iilky Way. The last quarter, xaLya-inyo, is drawn 
in the southern half of the circle, on the other side of the Milky 
Way and opposite to the first quarter. The first and last quar- 
ters are represented as crescents, one of them reversed. Like the 
sun, the moons and all the other heavenly bodies are made in red 
oxide of iron. 



«3 At Mesa Grande, Santa Ysabel, Capitan Grande, Los Conejos, Inyaxa, 
and Campo. 



302 CnivrTtilj/ of Califirrnia Publifatwns in Am. Arch, and Ethm. [Vol.8 

All the constollatiniiK reoojfiiizod by the Diegueiio were rep- 
resentf*! in the paintinf;. TIkkw mcntione*! to the writer were 
xatoa, the I'leiaiies; junu, Mountain Sheep;** sair. Buzzard;" and 
watun, Shootinp.'* Each star of these constellations was repre- 
sented as a small disk of iron rast. The followinR seheme was 
followed in the orientation of these constellations in the paintini;: 
Xatca and aniu. the I'leiailes and Mountain Sheep, are said to 
accompany each other in the heavens." The Pleiades arc drawn, 
aa they appear in the heavens, in the southern half of the preat 
circle, near the eastern end of the Milkj' "Way. Amu is drawn 
just east of xatea. Similarly, watun (Scorpiot) points always 
directly at .sair (AltairT). These two constellations are drawn 
together in the northern half of the paintini;. opposite xatca and 
amu. 

The principal nioimtains on earth are also represented in 
the paintinp. The painting is all in one plane by necessity. 
These mountains therefore appear scattered in among the stars as 
the .siiered diagram is actually made on the ground. The identity 
of these mountains seems to van.' for the different villages which 
at various times have made the painting. That is, the local 
topography aronnd each village was reflected in the painting. 
At Santa Ysabel they drew Mount San Jacinto, the islands of 
Santa f'atalina and San Clemente, which are considennl to be 
mountains out on the ocean, and a mountain called nyapuxaua.** 
whose hx-ation is vnjniely indicnti'd as southward on the df-sert. 
Santa Catalina thcv niu.Kt have learned nliout from the Luisefio 



•« In Mojnve, amo, motintitin Bhocp, is the throe »Uir« of Orion. 

*iCt. LuinoRn: Yungnvinh, huzzan), the star Altair. nuBoui, p. 162. 

•irf. ihul., \nr<, note .10-1: "It in Raid that with the Diotjupfion Soori)^ 
ill a Ikiv with twiw nn<l arrows." "Orion in rallnl Mu in Manznnita I>ie- 
Kuono, Kmn at Mesa (Irnnilo. " The prownt writ<'r'B information among 
the Dii'iftirfio •HTmr<l to ninko watun the thror larpo BtAre of Orion, but 
tho Mohnvo ami Luiiiono luiralli'ln an.l Mifw IhiBoiii' ■tatpmcnts make it 
upprar prol^ablc that amu in Orion and watun Scorpio. 

"Ibid., 163: "Hulaiab in Orion ami Chebairam the Pleiades. These 
two are always named together. ' ' 

"• Tliid mountain in Miid to lie half <lnrk colored earth and half light- 
colored. It in related that when niiinkind were flrnt croate<l, the Mexicanii, 
pinyai, were made of earth from the li>;htcolored fide, the Indians from 
that of the dark-colored side. 



1910] Waterman.— The Beligious Practices of the Diegueho Indians. 303 

at Agua Caliente, who lived almost in the same valley as them- 
selves, and with whom intercourse was easy. The people at Mesa 
Grande also drew four mountains. These were San Bernardino, 
represented in the northern part of the circle, and the three 
Cuyamaca peaks in the southern part. San Bernardino is easily 
identified, since it is called "white-top." It is the only moun- 
tain in southern California with a snow cap. The Cuyamacas are 
plainly visible to the south from the vicinity of Mesa Grande. At 
Los Conejos rancheria the people seem to have represented six 
mountains,"" which could not be identified by the present writer 
in terms of the modern geography of the region. One of them, 
however, called moon-rock mountain, wixai.ya, because of a 
crescent-shaped crag near its summit, was pointed out at a dis- 
tance of twelve or fourteen miles from the reservation. No rivers 
or lakes were represented in the ground-painting, since there are 
none in the Diegueiio country. 

All the creatures associated with the awik cult are represented 
in the painting. These correspond to the " Chungiehnish ani- 
mals" of the Luiseiio. They are Coyote, Wolf, Bear, Black 
Spider (Tarantula), and Raven. Such animals as the skunk, wild- 
cat, and raccoon, and such birds as the crane and owl were never 
drawn. The awik creatures are represented each by a conven- 
tional symbol consisting of a line bent at a right angle. In 
addition to these creatures, several species of snake are drawn. 
The most important in significance are the two varieties of rat- 
tlesnake, the light-colored and the dark-colored, awi niL and 
awi axwat. Mention is also made, in the description of the 
painting, of the gopher-snake, awiyuk, grass-snake or blue gar- 
ter, xawitai, and red racer, xibkair. These snakes were drawn 
as sinuous lines, made in different colored seeds. The rattle- 
snake is considered to be beyond all others the medium through 
which falls punishment for ceremonial offenses. The two rattle- 
snakes, said to correspond to two actual varieties found in the 
region, are accordingly drawn with particular attention to 
detail. They are very large, said by some to reach clear across 
the painting. The "diamond-back" pattern is put in with the 



10 Called awai, huLkokwis, xamatai, hipokwiskwi, wixaLya, and wiki'- 
naun. 



304 rntr<T«t(y of California Publtratioiu tn Am. Areh. and Kthn. [Vol.8 

utmost care. Tin- «vfa up' r<'presi'nt»'d by pii-ci-a of baliotis 
Hhell. 

The tolonclu' iiiortarn, kniiiin, which t-acli villatii' posfursHos are 
act inside of the paiiitiut; in a row near the eaatern ed^ro. Each 
mortar has ita pcatle, xanokai. inaide it. The rattlesnakes are 
so arninm-d that their heads just touch the mortars. The boys 
are instructed that mankind is typified by these mortars. The 
preat snakes are drawn with the heads just touching them to 
indicate that when people are careless, the snake is always wait- 
ing to destroy them. 

According to some accoiuits, a small excavation three or four 
inches in diameter, is made in the sand-painting. The boj-s are 
made to stand over this hole, one by one, and spit into it. If they 
miss, it is a sign that they will not live long. In some villages 
lumps of sage-seed and salt are placed in the boys' raoutlis, in 
order to induce a flow of .saliva. When the significance of the 
different figures has been explained, and after the spitting is 
done, in ease that feature is pri>sent, the dirt is shoved in over 
the painting, obliterating it. so that no one el.se may see it. 



CONCLUSION OF THE HOYS' CERE.MON^'. 

On the following day, late in the afternoon, they jir')ceed 
with tlie final rite of the ceremony. While the other riti-s have 
been progressing, a figure representing a man has been fash- 
ioned out of netting made of nettle fibre, ahoRi.. Thus figure, 
minyu, is five or six feet long. It seems to com'spond exactly 
with the Lui.seno "wanal wanawut."'" The Diegueuo figure, 
besides having arms and legs, is repri>sented as having a long 
tail. A pit is dug, large enough to accommodate the figure when 
stretched out at full length, and from eighteen inches to three 
feet deep. The long luxis of this pit points east and west. The 
ea.stern end is nuide sloping. The netting figure, minyu, Ls 
placed in the bottom of this pit, feet to the ea.st. Small fiat 
stones, reserved for this iMirpos<>, are placet! on the figure at 
the end of the tail, on the abdomen, on the base of the neck, 

"' Dulioig, p. ,S5. 



1910] Waterman. — The Religious Practices of the Diegueho Ind.aiis. 30ij 

which is very long, and on the head. The people, especially the 
relatives of the initiates, then feather around the pit. One by 
one the boys are placed in the pit, their feet resting on the first 
stone. Each boy's sponsor stands behind him and takes him 
under the armpits. According to one account, the boy also 
steadies himself by placing his hands on the sides of the pit. 
The kwaipai, when all is ready, pronounces "mwau. " The peo- 
ple give three answering grunts, and at the third the boy jumps 
on to the next stone. At another grunt he jumps to the next, 
and so on. Should he miss landing fairly on one of the stones, 
his relatives all begin to wail, in the belief that he will die be- 
fore long. When each candidate has passed through the pit in 
this way, they all gather about, each with his sponsor beside 
him. Some old man then takes out the flat .stones, since they 
are preserved with the other ceremonial objects in the kwusitc- 
nyawa. At a signal from the kwaipai, the whole company then 
"grunt" three times. At the third, the boys and their spon- 
sors push the dirt in from all sides, filling the trench and bury- 
ing the netting figure. If any of the du.st rises from this 
"grave" and gets in a boy's nostrils, he will die." As it is al- 
most dark by this time, they begin the war dance at once, on 
top of the grave where the figure is buried. They dance all 
night, and at daybreak dance the fire out.'- This ends the cere- 
mony. 

MOURNING CEREMONIES. 

Quite as significant as the adolescence ceremonies are the 
mourning rites. Mourning for a relative usually lasts among 
the Diegueno for one year. The hair of both men and women 
was formerly cut short during this period, and the face some- 
times painted black. Cremation was universally practiced by 
the Diegueno until they came under the influence of the mis- 
sions. As far as can be learned, each body was burned without 
any rites other than the one mentioned above," the purpose of 



71 Cf. the Chaup Myth by Miss DuBois, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 
163, 1906. 

'2 See the account of the Fire ceremony. 
73 See page 279. 



306 Unirtrnljf of Catifomia PubUcattoiu in Am. Arch, and Kttin. (Vol.8 

wliii'h was t(i make the Hpirit ilone with it." The clothini; and 
othtr property wn8 laiil aside for u*' in the Mourning cereiiiony. 
Whiitfver a«hes remained after the cremation were gathered up 
and plaeed in a Hmall-niouthed jar of pottery, of the type used 
for carrying water on the desert (pi. 40)." This jar wa-s then 
put awiiy in some liidd.-n place among the rook-s, or buried on a 
hillside. 

The funerary or mourning ceremony occurs on the anniver- 
sary of tlie deatli. At this time the clothing and personal pn>p- 
erty of the deceased penwjn is publicly bunied amid appropriate 
ceremonies. This burning is made the occasion of a large gnth- 
ering. As usual in California, the family who gives the cere- 
mony is at the total expen.se of entertaining all the visitors, and 
in addition to this, considerable property in the form of basket.s, 
of late replaced in large degree by money and calico, is given 
away and burned on the funerary fire. If difficulty is experi- 
enced by the family in getting together sufficient property, the 
festival may be ptxstponed for two and even three years. 

THE (LOTnES-BUKXIXG CEKEMO.W. 

At the appointed time word is sent to the neighboring vil- 
lages and families, and a large a.ssembly drawn together. Ac- 
cording to invariable custom, both for this and kindred cere- 
monies, the head of the family pas.ses over the management of 
everj'thing to a friend or visitor. Both he and his family care- 
fully refrain from even tasting any of the fno<l gathered for the 
festival. 

The first night is pa.ssed by the relatives of the deceased in 
wailing. On the following night a gn-at fire is built and all 
the people, men and women, dance around it, circling alternately 
in each direction. The man who has charge of proeeeilings, a.s- 
sisted by one or two others, carries the dead person's clothes. 
The Hf>ngs sung at this time are the regular songs of the Fire 
dance.'* At the close of each song all the dancers together make 



'« This it porfonned alao in the Eagle corcmoDT, the acrount nf which 
sec below. 

"Cf. r. O. Dufiois, "Diofpiefto Mortuary OUan," Am. Anthr., n. s. IX, 
484, lltOT, pi. 29. 

'• The ncrount of which sec below. 



1910] Waterman.— The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 307 

the deep grunting sound: "mwau u," and motion upward in 

the air. At the completion of three or four songs, all pause and 
face toward the fire, repeating the grunting sound three times. 
Then the sound is repeated once more, and all the clothes are 
thrown at the same time on the fire. While the garments, to- 
gether with numerous baskets and other property, bum, they 
sing this song: 

menai dispa tcawai toawi now dead I-begin-to-sing'^ 

menai dispa tcawai tcawi now dead I-begin-to-sing 

xitoL kawak enyak awik North, South, East, W^t 

amai amut up, down 

Following this they dance several times around the fire, sing- 
ing Fire songs, then throw on more clothes and sing: 



mawi-a! 


mawi-a ! 


what-for? 


ah! 


what-for? 


ah! 


moyo-o ! 


mawi-a ! 


Tou-dead, 


oh! 


what-for? 


ah! 



Anyone of the strangers who wants a little money takes a 
long stick and turns over the clothes so they will bum better. 
The relatives of the dead person then come around and give 
him small jars, baskets, and other "little things." 

When the clothes are completely burned they sing as fol- 
lows : 

apamsi penoxi inyoxo 

The rites are completed by dancing the fire out, singing 
meanwhile the songs which belong to that ceremony."^ 

THE FEATHER CEKEMOXY. 

A distinctive mortuary ceremony is performed after the 
death of each toloache initiate. Among the Diegueno it is called 
"otcam", and seems to coincide with the unish matakLsh cere- 
mony of the Luiseiio.''* It is said by the Diegueno to take place 



" Part of the myth which tells of the origin of the ceremony is as fol- 
lows: "The first man who performed the ceremony reached his hand to 
the North and brought a red rock, from the East a gleaming white rock, 
from the South a green rock, and from the West a black rock because 
the sun sets there. Then he blew in all four directions and sang, 'My 
father and grandfather are dead, so now I sing.' " The remainder of 
the narrative concerning the origin of the ceremony could not be obtained. 

■8 See below, the account of the Fire ceremony. The Luiseno Clothes- 
Burning is described in present series, VI II, ISO, 226. 

"9 DuBois, p. 92. 



308 Vnirertitj/ of California tublicalioHt la Am. Arfh.OHtl Elhn. [Vol.8 

on till" afternoon precctlinp the Clothi-s-Buming ceremony just 
(lisciiNNed. S<«nie time almut the middle of the afternoon one 
(if the oltl men swinpi the biiU-rourer, air. three times. This 
is the signal fur the people to iiKHeinble. Siime especially prac- 
ticed man then performs the Whirling dance. This corri'spontls 
to the Liiisefio MoraliHsh dance,'" called at the present time the 
"Tatahuiln." It includes a trreat deal of ^vhirlin^;, and a man 
who is not used to it becomes diz/y and falls down. Thi.s dance 
has been observed a number of times by the writer. It is also 
performed in connection with another mourning ceremony 
known as the Eacle dance. 

TilK WIIIHLI.NG D.VMK. T.MWKWIRF'. 

Before the dancer appeared, on the occasions when the dance 
wa.s witne.s.seil, one of the old men made an ener^'etic speech, 
saying that the ceremony was ancient, and mu.st be done exactly 
accordin^' to usa^'e. The dancer remained out of sij;ht in a 
brush house or "ramada" until this lecture was completed. 
When all wjis in readiness and the crowd waiting, an assistant 
who was with the dancer raised a lon^ cry, sounding like 
"kuuuwa"h!" All the old men around the himak or dance- 
circle grunted and stamped with the right foot. The as.sistant 
then repeated his cry, and all stamped again. On a third repe- 
tition of the cry, all grunted and stamped three times. Then 
the assistant, exclaiming "a-ha-ha-ha a-ha-haha," ran out of 
the hou.se, and entering the dance-ground from the north side," 
ran half way around its circumference. Then he halted and 
dropped on one knee, facing the sun. lie carried a stick in 
each hand. These he held up toward the sun as if to protect 
himself from a blow (pi. 27, fig. 1). After a momentary pause 



"" Ibul., p. IS."). KtymiiloKii'ftll.v, llic wonl in compounili-.l of the root 
mar, to wliirl, plim ii i-ininivtinu *owol a which inilicati-s that tho root ia 
to be tnkon in u pniwivc or miilillp iifn««>, pluit n Buffix h<uh which means 
" Ihf iloin^t iMiiiii'tliInt; for BnnHNinp <'Ii«>. " The Luim-fio nunio implica, 
thorcfon-, Ihr irAirdni/ that w j'lrfitrmni in brhalf uf tomeone rite. Thi» ia 
purticiihirly \a lutmiony with wluit hnH IxH-n lOiM'whero written concprnin({ the 
Tatiihiiihi. 

"> Kimt ia the eeremonial ilirectinn anionf( the Difgiiefio. This <Ietail mny 
iixliciitr II LuiHeno orif^in for thin rite. 



1910] Waterman.— The Religious Practices of the Diegueiio Indians. 309 

the dancer also appeared on a run, entered the dance-ground 
from the north, encircled it once in a clockwise direction, and 
halted at the point of entry. He also carried two short, smooth 
sticks (pi. 26, fig. 3). When he halted he touched these two 
sticks to the ground and leaned upon them (pi. 27, fig. 2). The 
costume as shown in this figure consisted of a skirt or kilt of 
long eagle-feathers, yipexai, mounted on milkweed-fibre net- 
work.*- In connection with this was worn a head-band of split 
owl-feathers, tsekwirp (pi. 22, fig. 4), mounted on a circlet of 
mescal or other fibre. His body was painted (pi. 26, fig. 3, pi. 
27, fig. 3) in broad stripes of white paint. This is made of 
powdered soapstone mixed with water. This costume seems to 
be the ancient ceremonial dress of the Diegueiio and their neigh- 
bors, the Luiseiio, since Boscana, writing in the early years of 
Spanish influence, describes practically the same dress.*-* 

An old man with a rattle took his stand close by the dancer, 
and the two conversed in a very low tone. This was always 
done whenever the dance was observed, though the words were 
in so low a tone that they could not be distinguished. They are 
thought by the younger people to have ceremonial significance, 
though the present writer was never able to discover precisely 
what is said at the time. 

After a moment the old man began to shake his rattle and 
sing. The dancer trotted around the circle once or twice, and 
then began to whirl as he went. The song was a.s follows: 

niyaukam penowo I-h-andle . . .^^ 

pawaiyom temetpon feather-skirt sun 

nipaLon my-rattle 

The dancer signalled for faster music by rapidly striking 
together the two sticks he carried. After some time he struck 
these sticks together once, and as the song ended he made a 
short leap, landing on both feet. Then to this accompaniment 
of a deep grunt from the old men looking on, he bent his knees 
slightly, pointing the stick in his right hand toward the ground. 



8- For this type of skirt, see DuBois, op. cit., plate IS. 
s=a Boseana, " Chinigchinich," in Robinson's "Life in California," New 
York, Wiley and Putnam, 1846. 

S3 The worfls of this and the following song are Shoshonean. 



310 Vnirtrtitg of CaUfomia Publiraliom in Am. Arch, and Btkn. [Vol. 8 

Tht-n he trotted silintly nroiiiul the circle to its northern edge, 
and leaning; over rested on his two Htickii. 
The next son^; was as follows : 

npTonga nitoeyo my-heaJ my-. . . 

|iii'ii'iiwniyom oa(;l<*''<'''t'i<'''*'''''t 

The dancer trotted around the circle as at first, but fuwn Im-^h 
to skip instead. F'innlly he benan to turn as he skipped, hop- 
ping or skipping on one foot between evcrj' half-turn. At times 
he changed his step in the midst of a song from the plain turn 
to the skipping turn. lie also paused for an instant at fre<|uent 
intervals to sciuut three times (pi. 27, fig. 4), facing in a differ- 
ent direction each time. Three or four songs always completed 
the dance, and the performer then ran back whence he came. 

Other Tutahuila or Tapakwirp songs are the following. They 
are sung with no apjiarent regard to order. 

ilea yumitci itca yumitci" 

yumpeni yiinino yuni|>oni yumptero 

bai-i-iwaiio 

aneni mniforo 

wainipoi rorowi nani 

noyongi awcni niaioipa 

rorowi neyongi 

itca, etc. 

norowi mumpcDo 
kpruwi mumpono 
krmipn mumppno 
kppai Dot'ita 
keruwi, etc. 

pohyom nipa pohyom Dipa*> 

nipampowciw nipnmpo rorowi 

witcnxa wipnoyau 

twMiorn tuaxawi 

pcnumo a pa 

rorowi mohitna 

pcnema rorowi, etc. 

• 
sahat'i pcnot'i'< 

xohnra mokikai 
penoi'i meyoifi 



"< Tliin and the two following are saiil to be in the Cahuilla language. 
»> Univereity of California pbonogmpb record 689(«). 
*»Ibid., 889(>). 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 311 



CONCLUSION OF THE FEATHER CEREMONY. 

While the Tapakwirp is in progress, the old dancers gather 
in a second enclosure at some distance from the assemblage. 
After the conclusion of the dance they appear one by one and 
come part of the way to the dance-circle. Each one imitates as 
far as he can the actions and manner of the dead man. Amid 
great wailing and crying on the part of the spectators he then 
returns to the small inclosure. After all have done this, the 
entire company of dancers appear, crawling on their hands and 
knees. As they crawl they make animal noises. Each one is 
painted with the footprint of the animal about which he dreamed 
when he took the toloache. Every man imitates as far as he 
can the sound which his particular animal is in the habit of 
making. Continuing this crawling posture, the dancers advance 
to the dance-circle and seat themselves about its edge, ^¥hen 
they are seated the dead person's headplume, talo, is set upright 
in the center. At a signal the company then move their hands 
together with a solemn gesture to the left, and then to the right, 
each time with a long-drawn grimting sound. Then they toss 
their hands upward twice with an expulsion of the breath each 
time, finishing with two quick gestures and two expulsions of 
the breath. 

This ceremony, called the oteam, is intended to keep the dead 
person from coming back; or, as one informant put it, "to make 
him done with this world. "^' The dead person's plume is then 
buried in the center of the circle, the company grunting three 
times, and at the third time shoving in the dirt from all sides. 

THE IMAGE-BURNING. 

When several members of a family have died within a short 
period, it is customary to hold a ceremony called Image Burning 
or Keruk, southern dialect Wukeruk. The corresponding cere- 



87 The Luiseno term unish matal-ish (DuBois, op. cit., p. 92) applied 
to a corresponding ceremony has a similar meaning. Unish is not recog- 
nized at the present time. Matakish or matakihish is a verbal noun from 
the causative stem of mati, "send away". The meaning of the term is 
"the causing to send one thing away"; "to loosen or untie it". 



312 r«urr»Wy of California PubtimtioM tn Am. Areh.aKd EIHk. [Vol. 8 

mony among the Luist-fio is oallctl Tijohinmh or Tauchujiisli.''* 
Imagc-M represt'iiting each of the dceeanwl arc made out of mat- 
ting. Thi-JM! are utufTetl with gra-^M to give them a lifelike ap- 
peanmee, and are drcsjwil in all Bort« of finerj". Eyes, nose, 
ears, and teeth are representetl with bits of haliotis hhell. The 
gnni of the greasewoiMl in used fttr glue. Drops of this sulwtanee 
are also used to make the pupils of the eyes. Iluniun hair is put 
on the heatls of the images. These images, together with consid- 
crablt! property, an- burne<l amid elalwrate rites. The whole 
forms a long and complicated ceremony. 

Mention of this ceremony is made several times in the myth- 
ologj' of the Diegiieno." Its origin is describe<l in the Creation 
myth which follows in this paper. It is iH'lieved by the Die- 
guefio to be the first ceremony ever perfonned. The author of 
the account of the equivalent Luisefio ceremony says correctly 
that the original source of the ceremony must remain a matter 
of speculation. 

Though in the account given of the Luisefio ceremony no 
mention is made of time, it seems likely that the rite itself 
consumes only two or throe days. The Diegueno ceremony, how- 
ever, refjuires six days. For the latter a small ceremonial house 
is built. This house, keruk, is ab.sent from the Luisefio cere- 
mony. It seems, therefore, that the Diegueno have a fuller form 
of the rite. Since, in addition, the ceremony is mentioned in 
Diegueno mythology, while it is nowhere nientioni'd in Luisefio 
mythology as so far printed, it at least .seems likely that the 
ceremony was first celebrated by the Diegueno and accpiired 
from them by the Lui.seno. 

As always, the family giving the ceremony entertains all the 
visitors. It was formerly a matter of pride to furnish not only 
an abundance of focxl, but also to provide delicacies. For this 
rea.son a (juantity of pine-nuts, axiw, choke-cherries, akwai. and 
mes(iuite beans, anai,, was gatheretl, and sometimes brought 
from a distance. The images are made in some private place 
by the relativj's of the decea.sed persons. On the spot clios<n 



»!• DuBoiii. op. cit., pp. 100, 103, 180; Sparkman. p. 227. 
•« Journ. Am. Folk-Loir, XIX, l.'>3, 100, IJWKJ. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligiom Practices of the Dieguciio Indians. 313 

for the eeremouy the small eereuiouial house called keruk is 
erected. It is in shape half a hemisphere facing the east.'* 
When all is iu readiness the people assemble and pass one night 
in wailing. In the morning they have something to eat, and go 
to sleep. The relatives of the dead fast as much as they can and 
carefully refrain, moreover, from touching any of the festival 
supplies. 

The next night a large fire is built near the keruk. The faces 
of the images are then painted. Those which represent women 
are painted red with scorched mescal syrup. Those which repre- 
sent men are painted black with graphite, with the addition of 
a white stripe down the nose and chin. Amid great wailing the 
images are then picked up and carried to the fire. The relatives 
join in the procession, but do not carry the images. They con- 
tinually wail. The following song is sung as they march. 

wumi pawakaam weeping we-arrive 

wumi maiyeuwinyaka am weeping we-eome 

When they reach the fire the people march around it from 
left to right. They advance first one foot and then the other 
with the twisting motion of the body already mentioned. The 
sound of the elderbark skirts worn by the women at the time 
is supposed to be represented by the following song: 

xeyuL paxaL apuraxa apuraki put-on elderbark-skirt 

apuraxa xatca tcapuk . . . Pleiades (he)-comes-forth 

amai payiw up-in-sky (he) -finishes 

A long series of songs follows, and the dancing continues all 
night. So the time passes for six days, with eating and sleep- 
ing in the daytime, and dancing at night. Several times every 
night the relatives of the deceased persons pile baskets and 
clothing on the fire and burn them. Small baskets are also 
thrown in the air. These the visitors gather up and keep for 
themselves. This is always accompanied by wailing on the part 
of the family giving the ceremony. On the seventh night, after 
dancing till sunrise, they put the images inside of the keruk. 
Then they put in a great quantity of property, clothing, baskets, 
beads, and household goods. Finally the remaining space is 



so East is the ceremonial direction among the Diegueno, as north is 
among the Luiseiio. 



..I 4 ( nurrtity of (.uti/t/rniii l'ubh,;Hu,nt in Am.Arch.and Etha. [Vol. 8 

filled with ilry bnwh iiini the whi>li' S4t on lire. While the smoke 
iirul spark-s Hhoot iipwunl in the early mornint; simlijiht. they 
sint; the following' koik;: 

wa katomi amio/ awa ui(;oio){ etiscnee toyuur homo 
wa katumi aminjr awa iaguing rmcaeo to-your home 

The sifmificance <if this so^^r ba showing the existence of a 
belief in a future life has already been discussed. The singers 
were thoroughly «)uestioned concerning this lielief, but no fur- 
ther particulars were brought out. No distinction seems to be 
made in this future state In'tween "gooil" and "bad" peo[)le, 
nor between those who obst>rve the ceremonies and thfwe who 
do not. Concerning the general purpose of the ceremony, the 
usual explanation was that offered for the Clothes Burning — 
that people did not wish to see any reminders of the dead left 
about, becau.se it made them feel bad. This of course does not 
explain the custom of burning new and valuable property which 
has no iLs.sociation with the dead. On a second visit to the re- 
gion the writer was informed that the ceremony was to make 
the dead contented, "so they would not come back." After 
this ceremony the dead are never mentioned, and signs of grief 
are discontinued. 



THE K.\C!LK ( EREMONY. 

The Eagle dance or ceremony, expa ima. is a mourning cere- 
mony held on the anniversary of the death of a kwaipai, or 
leader of the dances.'" 

An Eagle dance which was observed by the writer at Mesa 
(Jrandc, occurred at the end of a three-day festival. During 
each of the first two days the people in holiday attire loiterwl 
about the fiesta grounds, busying themselves in a general way 
with the usual "fiesta" events. A peon gambling game"'* was 
running during most of the time; and in the afternoons and 



"" l/iiiHt-Mo neoinintii in the prwiont iiorio«, VIII, pp. 7, 11.3, IH, 1S2, 227; 
Am. Antlir., n. ». VII, 025, IPO.*). An early rofi-roncc in iu tho prc!«>nt wric*, 
VIII, 1-27, lOOS, A. L. Krcobcr, " .\ MiwioD Roconl of the Cnlifornin 
InilianK, " in which »cv p. 4. 

»"'• 8oc below. 



1910] Waterma,i.~The Eelitiious Fracticcs of the DiegueRo Indians. 315 

evenings there was considerable gambling with poker and 
ehuek-a-luck. Every afternoon, however, a "Whirling or Tapa- 
kwirp dance was held, and after nightfall, a War dance or 
HoRLoi. In a cage under a brush shelter or "ramada" off to 
one side, there was kept a large bald-eagle. Some mouths before 
he had been purchased in readiness for this ceremony from the 
people to the southward. This had been in accordance with well 
established usage. If a village used an eagle from a nest near by, 
it would be hard, it was thouglit, to make the .spirit leave his 
body when he was killed. It would have an attachment for its 
old home and would therefore linger about. 

Each afternoon before the Tapakwirp or Tatahuila dance, 
the daughter of the old leader or kwaipai wailed for some time. 
This was the only indication that a mourning ceremony was in 
progress. 

On the third evening, toward nightfall, an extra large fire 
was kindled, and for two or three hours the old men danced the 
HoRLoi. The final part of the dance was, however, omitted. The 
dance-cirele was then cleared, and one of the oldest men an- 
nounced: "All will sit down and smoke tobacco." After some 
time an old man, said to be called the kaponaiL,"^ who sat on 
a stool to one side, exclaimed "mwau." Several others then 
went to the middle of the dance-circle and motioned upward 
three times, grunting as they did so. Then a so-called "capi- 
tan" made a long and very emphatic harangue. He said that 
the ceremony they were about to perform was very ancient. He 
explained that it had not been held for a long time, but that 
they were going to perform it just as had alwaj^s been done. 
The kwaipai had died, he proceeded, and the old men had de- 
termined to get together clothes and property and send it to 
him, and to kill the eagle and send it with messages of respect 
to him. The eagle, he explained, in this ceremony, though he 
appeared to be a bird, was reaUy a man. He was not to be 
killed by ordinary means, but would be "witched to death" by 
the dancers. Nobody therefore was to move about or make a 
noise, but all were to remain quiet and see this wonder. It was 



81 Cf. preceding, p. 294. 



3IU Cnirertily of CaUfornia Publtmltomt in Am. Arch.amd Ktkm. [Val.8 

extrfiiu'ly luinl to kill the cacK- in this way. and the dancers 
could do it only Ijecanue they had a great deal of "powt-r." 

Soon after the close of this speech the oldest one of the danc- 
ers bcKun sintrin); and Hounding his rattle off in the darkness 
beyond the light of the lire. Soon he appeared in the dance- 
circle at the head of a line of old men. One of these carrietl 
the eagle. The other people of the rancheria fell in line Ijehind 
them and all marched aronml the fire, twisting from side to 
side. As the eagle was carried into the circle, the daughter of 
the decea.sed kwaipai wailed and threw some new calico over 
him. The song wils as follows : 

otolyi «nm flapping he-isgone's 

cmi/yi wum oD-hi»-fect be-i»-gone 

inyncapan my vagle 

inyarapa my cajjle''^ 

After this song had hccn repeated a luimlx'r of times, there 
was a ceremonial paii.se or ri>st, during which the eagle was 
pa.s.sed to another old man.""* During thest> paasi>s there wa.s a 
general wailing. The dancing continued in this way without 
change until seven songs in all had been sung. They were ob- 
tained as phonograph records on the day following the cere- 
mony, the order being e.stablisheil by notes and texts taken down 
at the time of singing. Altliough th<' arrangement was afterwanLs 
learned to be fortuitous."* the reader can see that these songs 
seem to outline a mjih or story. 

vrami wniii crying licU-gonc»» 

icim ItukonyiL i-aglc black 

cxpn kunumgup Said to mean : White Eagle pnta bin ne«t 

cwoL bakwimp on big cliffn. Eaglp from the Wmt puts 

hi* nitit on iiycamori' tre«« along the c<lgo 

of creekii.»« 



»: Sjiiil of n bird hopping along on the grounil iMsfore he launrhi><i him- 
Hclf into the air. 

x' University of California phonograph record 707(»). 

»»• ThpKo brief but friHjuent intemiiiwion.i are cbnmeteriiitie of nil 
Dieguefio ceremonicn. 

»• The leader explained that he had not heard the Hong* fur yearn, and 
Bung them just as ho cmild romemlx'r them. 

»» University of California phonograph record 711('). 

»«/6id., 712(»). 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 317 

wumi amai yinama crying up-in-the-air he-is»' 

kwonyuwai mayiwa (the)-nest there-it-isos 

expa apakwaL cagel chicken-hawk 

amu tcapuk xatca tcapuk Orion ( ?) coming-out Pleiades coniing-out»» 
win amai inyau purkak now up-in-sky sun (he) -finishes 

expa lamalama kiwiw! eagle is-a-man, look! mo 

In the pauses between several of these songs, one man held the 
eagle aloft while another took his stand some distance away and 
pointed a small stick at the bird. He aimed this stick as a man 
aims a rifle, twisting it over and over, however, with his thumb 
and forefinger. At the the same time he exclaimed "ahahaha! 
ahahaha!" Some of the dancers dipped the end of the stick in 
the fire before they pointed it at the eagle. In this way death is 
supposed to be conveyed through the stick. Following this action 
a second man always approached the eagle and waved his feather 
tuft in front of it. Then he brushed or ' ' dusted ' ' its head three 
times"' with the plume. At the same time they blew or made a 
laughing sound. Several of the old men at various times blew 
tobacco smoke over the bird. All this was done "to brush away 
death, so they could tell him more."""* 

At the conclusion of the last song above, several people, rela- 
tives of the dead kwaipai, approached the eagle and threw new 
calico over it, wailing at the same time. The most muscular one 
of the old men then took the eagle, and held it aloft at arm's 
length. Another dancer took a position across the dance-circle. 
Raising his stick this second man pointed it slowly and impres- 
sively at the eagle. After a pause, he broke into a sudden shout, 
"ahahaha!" and made his stick quiver. At the same moment 
the man who was holding the eagle pressed his finger in over its 
heart and killed it. The muscular exertion required showed in 
the trembling of his arms as he made the effort. The attention 

^T Ibid., 713(1). The song refers to the young eaglets in the nest. 
Mliid., 713(2). The song is to explain that "Eagle and Chickenhawk 
once were friends ' '. 
eelbid., 709 (i)- 

100 Ibid., 712(1). 

101 One man did it four times instead of three. 
loiaMore messages for the deceased kwapai? 



318 C>»«rrr*ily o/ CaUfom\a P»bUeat\ont m Am. Arch, and Elhm. [Vol.8 



of the otiliKikiTs ha<i of coun**- Ixi-n uttrarti'd to the other iiinn by 
hJM peculiar aetioii.s and his Miulden shout. The real eaase of the 
ea^fle's death seenietl not to Im> under8to<Ml by the onlookers. 

.(Vh the eagle Hank forward dead, many of the eompany wailed. 
•SonuHjne threw another pieee of calico several yards long over the 
bird. Till' daughter of the old leader in whose honor the ceremony 
was made scattereil considerable money in small change among 
the crowd. This was gathered up by anylxKiy who wanted it. 

Soon the old man who directed the ceremony began to sound 
his rattle again. The singing and dancing continued far into the 
night. The old men took turns carr>'ing the deatl eagle around 
the fire. The songs were ils follows : 



awir amantin 

azn inyau tvioyuu kiwin- 

axa nakum wakumu 
mijcai n'skurau 

axa kaiakwini'U 
mixa katakwini 

expa ruura kiwiw 
cxpa mananiana kiwinr 

kwinyora kwinyora 
axwata kwin/ora 
ioya exi>a 

waiyii ii, waij-u 
warn il. warn 
ikapa natncnp 
wam-i warn 
nxawi ikaHpa 
inya it waiyu 

iii nya axa 
mipawoka 



\%ii>g8 he- flies'"' 

water I Bm-b«ating look!i<» 

water rolU rolls>o« 
yourwater roll* 

water it»-e<Igei"» 
waterof-ocean ita-eilgc 

iyag\i) ig'Kwooping look><>* 
eagle M-flyiog look 

coloreii colore<l><>' 
re<l colored 
my eagle 

coming black (-eagle) foniingi"» 

going black (-eagle) g'>ing 

eagle white 

going going 

to-water eagle 

my black (-eaglo) i« coming 

eye my water""* 
it'ig-flowing 



loJ L'niviTdity of Callfiirnia plinnograpb rtvonl 703. 
to* Ibid., 705(»). Tlir wnvi>!( wiy tbiM to the eagle. 
to* Ibid., 706(1). 

i<>» University of California phonograph reconl 700(-). The eaglo says 
this as he walks in the e<lge of the surf. 
io» Ibid., 706(»). 
i»';6id.. 707(1). 
'o»/6iU, 708(1). 
iotlbid., 708(«). Sung an they wept for the eagle. 



1910] ll'atermaii. — The Religions Practices of the Diegueiio Indians. 319 

An important part of the ceremony remained yet to be per- 
formed. That was the burying of the eagle. This was not done, 
through some misunderstanding, until the following morning. 
The grave for the eagle was dug by one of the old men in the 
center of the dance-circle. Its long axis was north and south. 
No songs or ceremonies of any kind accompanied the digging. 
The dead eagle, wTapped tightly in a new piece of red calico, 
was laid on the west side of the grave. After the first part of 
the ceremony had been completed, and before the eagle was thus 
brought out for the burial, the longest feathers had been cere- 
monially plucked, in order to make a dance-skirt. This had 
been done by the old men in a private place. During the opera- 
tion no word was spoken, in order "not to bring bad luck." 

The leader took his place, kneeling, on the west side of the 
grave and facing it. Four other old men knelt about, completing 
the circle. The leader then took the eagle in his hands and 
waved it three times in a circle, saying each time "vvu — o." The 
other men grunted deeply after each circling motion. The leader 
then raised it aloft three times, while the others grunted again 
each time. Finally he waved it first to the left and then to the 
right, while the others grunted each time as before. Then he 
began to pat the bird with both hands together, while the others 
imitated his movements with their own hands, but did not touch 
the eagle directly. As this patting progressed, the men chanted 
in a curious ehoppj' monotone : 

wesi wesi <lone done 

ki-i kiya 

papyau wesi . . . done 

kiyi kiyi 



At the end of three repetitions of this song, they all expelled 
their breath very forcibly three times. The whole was then 
repeated three times. Then the leader exclaimed "tea," and all 
said together, in deep gutteral tones, "hi u hi," or something to 
which these sounds are an approximation. The eagle was then 
put in the hole and the dirt pushed in from all sides. Another 
piece of red calico was thro\ra in the air by the daughter of the 
dead leader. 



3L'0 Imurrttlif of Calif ornia Publuationj iir Am. ArrS. anj Klhn. (Vol. 8 

The old man who hmi 1<'<I thf Ki(ii.nii(f th»'n pr««s«Hi the inoiiml 
of earth tlint> Umvs with his hniuU, KayiriK "Once I put it. twice 
I put it. three times I put it." All gnint<Hl once at each phrase. 
Then all 8t<XMl up and lN-(ran pn-ssin^ the prave with their feet. 
Thi.H movement (fradually assumed the form of a march around 
the grave, circlinR from right to left. The women had in the 
meantime gathered on the west of the dance-circle, and a.s the old 
men marched Ijoth men and women chanted, 
toki toki 

OKU BAO 

Their utterance in this song was very abrupt, sounding like 
" to ! ki ! to ! ki ! a ! 80 ! a ! so ! " When this had been repeated three 
times, the old men motioned away into the air with a grunt. 
Throughout this song the man who leil in the singing made a 
steady long roll with his rattle. 

At the end of the song there was a short jjause. Then tlie 
dancers ttirned si;lcways to face the grave, and stepped sideways 
to the right. The song, in which both men and women took 
[lart. WHS as follows: 

nuTo romki 

hivBU tcoau 

alwc potnxau 

This was repeated three times, tlnti three grunts and stamps 
were given by all the dancers. After the song the dancers broke 
up anil transferred their interest to a peon game which was then 
progressing. The Eagle dance was over. 

TIIK "\V.\R" PANfE. 

The writer dhserved the IIoRUii or "War dance" a number of 
times in the fall of 1907. It always occurred after nightfall. A 
large fire was kindled in the evening on the northern side of the 
dunce-circle and soon after sundown a number of wonnii seated 
them.selves in a groiip near it. As fresh wimhI was thrown 
on, the old men who expected to dance began taking off their 
shoes. Each one put on either an owl-feather headbaml. t.sekwirp, 
(pi. 22, fig. 4), or else tied a handkerchief al)out his forehead. 
Those who had headplumes of split owl-feathers, talo. (pi. 22, 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 321 

fig. 1, 2, 3), thrust them upright in this headband. An old man 
then stood up and made a short speech, very loud and emphatic. 
The other old men grunted three times deep in their chests. The 
old man then said a few words, and the others grunted once. 
The sub.stanee of the speech was said to be that the dance had 
come down from their fathers, and that they were going to do 
it as they had always done it. Then the leader of the dance, 
without his rattle, took a position close in front of the women, 
and leaning over, began to mutter the words of a "War-dance song. 
The women listened in silence. The old man varied his mutter- 
ing bj' stamping with his right foot and grimting. This con- 
tinued until the occurrence of one of the ceremonial rests. A 
second old man then joined the first, and the two sang in a 
gutteral whisper, at times clapping their hands softly as if to 
urge the women on. After some time the women began to sing, 
so faintly at first that the sound was barely audible. The singing 
was interrupted by occasional pauses or rests. The leader seemed 
to call for these by clapping his hands sharply once with a deep 
grunt. During these pauses or rests the men left the dance-circle, 
but the women remained seated, without movement. The leader 
gave the signal for more dancing by entering the circle and 
beginning the words of the next song. 

After some time the singing grew more distinct. More of 
the men joined in at every pause, and the grunting also grew 
louder and more labored. The dancers marked time to the masic 
by stamping with the right foot. Soon they began to hitch them- 
selves forward in little jumps after each stamp. The singing 
grew rapidly louder and shriller. By the time the seventh or 
eighth song was taken up the music was a full-toned chant, of 
which the words were plainly audible. The dust by this time rose 
steadily from the feet of the old men as they shuffled backwards 
and forwards. 

There seemed to be no rule governing the number of times the 
words of each song were repeated. The men joined in certain 
parts of every song, singing in a verj' jerky and energetic fashion. 
In fact, they exclaimed rather than sang. When they were not 
singing, they grunted in unison in time to the music. 



; i.iirrjify o/ California Fubheal\om in Am. Areh.and Elhn. [Vol.8 

Uurinj? the i-if^hth or ninth ttong, tht- ini-n faced to the left, that 
is towiinl the \\i'.st, and ^H•^;an to tiancf in u larffe circle. The danc- 
ing step coiisiKtitl of two jiiinpK, followed by a stride. After coiu- 
pletint? t'lf* eirele they always fonniii a stationary (jronp in front 
of the women. stampinR hard antl (fnintinj;. At places in every 
sonf; duriiiff the latter half of the IIoRLoi dance, marked by a 
sudden rise in the pitch of the music, the men all raised and shook 
first their right hands and then their left, their fists \x'\ag 
closed. "•• This was done three times. The old man who led the 
sinping always touched the right sitle of his neck, in this g<?sture, 
with his left fist, fingers out. after he had shaken his fi.st toward 
the wt-st. \o definite information concerning the significance of 
the gesture was obtained. The movement in a circle was explained 
as representing the movement of the eultus eastward from the 
islands. "The dance came from the west, so we dance from the 
west," is the way in which one informant put the statement. 

The close of each song was marked by a quick, explosive grunt 
on the part of the men. This was always accompanied by 
striking the open hands together once. 

After the dance had been in progress several hours, the men 
ju.st j)revious t»> each pau.se formed in line and danced backward. 
In this movemeilt the hands were chusped together in front, the 
dancers a.ssiuning a stooi)ing posture. The singing and dancing 
always stopped at the time of the ceremonial pau.se with surpris- 
ing suddenness, the leaders breaking into a satisfied chuckle as 
the final explosive word of the song found them stricken motion- 
less. 

.Several times in the course of this ceremony a man who .si>emed 
to have no other duty rai.sed a saucer full of tobacco in his two 
hands. As be did so he pronounced "mwau" in what resembled 
a tone of surprise or astonishment. The dancers always n-spnndcd 
with an uj>ward gesture and an expulsion of the breath. This wa-s 
repeat«'d three tinu-s. the third repetition consisting of two ex- 
pidsions. Hetwe<'n times this man sat motionless near the women. 
Me wjus said to be called the "Tatahuila." in Diegueno 



""»«Tho hoKtility mignestofj by thin gciitiirc, which occiir* froqui-iitly. i* 
luiiil by iioino to be the roniion why the ceremony ia called the "Wbf" dance. 
The nituio mnv however be derived from tho white*. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Viegueno Indians. 323 

kaponaiL.'"" The tobacco thus held aloft was afterwards smoked 
by the old men. 

As the closing song of the HoRLoi the Diegueuo always sang 
the following : 

kaipoDipaima 
poritem yara 
tauoyaki nata-uo 
miitara 

This song, in contradistinction to those which immediately 
preceded it, was sung very slowly and very softly. Each dancer 
removed his headplume and held it in his hand. As the song 
progressed, they gradually shufHed into a line before the women 
and stood facing them "Indian file." Holding the plumes iu 
their right hands, they made long vertical strokes in time to the 
music. Prom one side the gesture gave the impression of being 
directed at the women. At every third repetition of the song the 
dancers waved their plumes sky\vard with an expulsion of the 
breath. At the twelfth repetition the leader cried out "tea." 
The dancers in response gave three quick expulsions of the breath, 
followed after an instant by a fourth. The leader then cried: 
"Paropum, paropum!" (throw it away!) The dancers then 
repeated the last gesture. 

During a IIoRLoi dance which took place at Mesa Grande in 
September, 1907, the following songs were sung in the order 
given. They were said to be in the Luiseiio language, but are 
more probably in the related dialect of San Gabriel. 

1. awi kwaitomya 3. monaha monaha (probably 
awi yompo yuwiyom incomplete) 

atsatsa tcunga 4. tomom mari Dipam 

2. wipiyoin tonya anoti tomom mari nipam 
saber riki ranito toGorowi 
waiyoti toroteher tomom, etc. 



nil See above under Boys' Adolescence Ceremony. "Tatahuila" is a 
very familiar term in the mouths of both the Luiseiio and Dieguefio. It 
is said by both to be a Spanish word. It suggests, however, the Luiseiio 
root taw-i, to sit at one side, tatawi, to sit customarily at one side, plus the 
noun-ending -la. On the other hand the regular suffix denoting the action of 
a verb is -c, and the accent should not leave the stem syllable, so that the 
Luiseno form to be expected would be tata'wic rather than tatawl'la, in 
Spanish orthography tatahuila. The tempting etymology is therefore at 
least doubtful. 



'i^i i iiiirr«i(y of Cattfornia Puhtietilions m Am. Arch, and Elkn. [Vol.8 



taoxa xita !»■ -i > 

timioxji hirni 

butom bita 

monini atoxa 

mant lapame 

imniiat pano 

biiinr bixu awini 

ynare baima 

toniu niiki 

kwinni>ya Tninf(a niura 

akai'ira wniyoti 

iiiiraim litaya 

yikau uuiyuti 

iiikomu 

yokino yi-kino yvkioo 

(uiho nitomya 

niiya bonia nita 

8axo baitonya 

bnyuki bayuki 

bnhai cabovit 

boni niaiycno 

mini niiin[>cnii 

mini nokirotri 

bnomini yo bwcmini 

yomtero (wonl or wor'U 

miiising) 
pawa xapa 
wiiini nopanc 
yuiii[H'ni kcte 
bawe yumbri 
bann maipo anipur 
titaintcro wamki banc 

vumbri 



15 lata 

.iitiiur 

{M-iiamki 
IG. baita {wnikwa 

. . . manikwa (fragmen- 
tary) 

17. ta<>ra tomyae 
rt-ra tomyae 
cina pen 
mini tomyae 
kokrni cino 

18. wipiri (fragmpDtary) 

19. gai nita (fragmentary) 

20. atrp anini awe awiai 
kn-aiyc komnipa 

21. momiiiai yumtera 
mommai turoyote komya 

22. nebyo pama . . . 
ukami poyo . . . 
nit.so 

23. tamki kiyi 
yaiyu vita 

24. mptmir naipeno 
biyoni 

2.'). The final »ong was sung very 
softly: 
kaipot'i paima 
poiitem yara 
tatoiMii yeki nataio 
maitani 



Tlie following sfi-ifs of songs wore sung at a IIoRLoi hi'ld at 
Santa Ysabel in September, 1907. Like the former series they 
are said to be Luisefio. 

1. Tbe flmt nonp "»•< ii.ui.lil.l.v 

2. kailjuo wamki 
nia waipo 

3. trawaiko mero 
muni . . . (incomplete) 

4. tama buna wipeni . . . (in 

plete) 
!>. Iiaowa hainnno 
monini 



6. tolema tolema 
xapo nika 
xapo wiki mini 

7. trkmai buni a bwrmini>>> 
cukai tokmai buni 

bona ti-kmai 

8. nta xatopra'" 
■ wini umtero 
atvi ata 



• "Compare the twelfth song of the proc«'<ling aori*"*. 
>>> Compare tbe twelfth song of tbo procoling scries. 



1910] Waterman. — Tlic EcUgious Practices of the Diegueiio Indians. 325 



9. mina nomri mowiki 
mina nomriwi 

10. Ota nita ota nita 
omni partemui 

11. tserau ahawi 
mane nipeni tsiro 
mane nipeni 

12. terera tomyaxa terera tomy- 

axaiis 
Gina pera mini tomyaxa 
tokeni Gino 

13. Ge nitain 
manita 

awi wiromni 
yoni yoni 
manita 

14. kwate koni take 
ana xanoko 

15. tayawe 
tayawe 

16. awe awini awe wini 
kwaiye komnipa 



17. karampa pawe 
wimpeki yoiyo 

18. nekema yato nika 
kenonat yatoma 
yato nika kenonat 

19. hayo tipenons 
waiyoti moya 

wira wira wira wira 

20. awiwi haiyom hoka 
tarampa hoka 
tarampa heron 

21. awiwi yomkerins 
waipeno 

22. mona naka monaiio 
nitomya 

23. hana maimaka 
koram koram koram 
hotcepe niturti turti 

24. awewe hyombriiis 
wihyombri ataku 

25. kajpoii paiman^ 



THE FIRE CEREMONY. 

Tliis ceremony never occurs by itself, but always follows some 
other dance. "When observed by the writer it occurred late at 
night after a HorloI or War dance. It also occurs as part of 
the kusi or toloache ceremony and the Clothes Burning. After 
the close of whatever rite preceded it, some one of the old men 
always made a very emphatic speech, saying that the Fire dance 
had descended from long before, and was very ancient.""* 

Jlen and women then gathered about the fire in a large circle. 
The man in the company who usually leads the dances then began 
to sound his rattle. The people moved about the fire in a "side- 
step" to the accompaniment of this rattling, without singing. 
Two circles were gradually formed, one of them inside of the 



113 Evidently the same song as the seventeenth of the preceding series. 
11* Evidently the same song as the nineteenth of the preceding series. 
115 Compare songs 19, 21. 2l', and 24 of this series with 9, 24, 10, and 
14 of the preceding. With 19 compare also 2 of the preceding series. 

110 See footnote 115. 

117 The same as the final song of the preceding series. 
117a The occurrence of these emphatic ceremonial speeches or addresses is, 
as will be observed, a feature of all Diegueno rites. 



rr,ii^ of California Publieatiom in Am. Areh. and Ktkn. [Vol.8 

'itli<r, ni'iviiig in opfMwite dinH-tioiis. At frwjut-nt si(n>als from 
the leader the dirvction of the inuveiiieut was revenM-tl. Shuuts 
of laiijrhtir Kr»'etctl the Hiiddcii change. After wmie time the 
effort Heemed to Ijecome tirt'some to the younger people, who one 
hy one dr()[>ped out. Thi.s left only the old men and women in 
the ilanee. The movement now beeame more sedate. The dancers 
gradually formed a single line, which circled about the fire from 
right to left. All the dancers movetl fonvard with a twi.sting 
movement, which as already explained, is intended to swish back 
and forth the skirts of elderbark fonnerly worn by the women. 

Suddenly all raised their anus, holding them out from their 
sides ftir the space of three or four stej)s. Then they factnl 
inward, toward the fin.', joining hands all around. While they 
held hands they stepped siileways to the left. After several 
steps in this j)osition, they loosed their hands and struck tlown- 
wards with their arms. Then they stamped thret; times with the 
right foot, accompanying each stamp with a grunt. This was 
followed by a ceremonial rest. 

The dance was resumed to the accompaniment of a .sttng : 

a[>ninpo penon 
bail yo-oiia 

At the end of the second line the entire company s(iuatteil sud- 
denly down and rose together. The character of the dancing 
step was al.so changed. Each dancer jumped sideways to the left 
twice, and followed this by a .short step to the left. After W)me 
time the men sudilenly squatted or crouchetl three times, point- 
ing at the fire first with the left hand, then with the right, and 
then with the left again. This action wjis followed by a rest. 
The same step was shortly n-sumed, to a different chant, of which 
the following were the words: 

wniToti waiyoti'o 
nevunKn nieK'va 
nckiwc nitccyo 
ti'ania nri nitcfvo 

Throughout the above song the n>en stamped violently. At 
each step they sNxoing their fists "underhand" at the fire. Mean- 



"•Tho words of this song, a« of the iin-codinR. have tlio ni'ponrancc of 
bciiiK Luiscfio. 



1910] Waterman. — The Religious Practices of the Diegueilo Indians. 327 

Avhile they moved about in a circle, of which the center was the 
fire, in short jumps, each one followed by a single step. At the 
end of the singing, the leader shook his rattle, and all grunted 
and struck downward toward the ground. Then he rattled again, 
and all motioned away into the air and expelled the breath. 

"When the dancing began again, the step consisted of two 
jumps followed by a short step. The women had by this time 
all dropped out, and only about a dozen old men were actually 
taking part in the rite. The song was as follows : 

watani watani 
waiyai mani 

At the close the leader rattled two loud strokes and then a long 
roll, calling as he did so, "mwau." All stamped their feet once 
and grunted. He repeated the rattling and the exclamation, and 
all expelled the breath and motioned into the air. 
The words of the next song were : 

pako weknam 

pako dikile (incomplete) 

When the fifth song began, the men ran sideways around the 
fire quite rapidly. The singing was also very fast and loud. The 
rattling took on the character of a steady, beating cadence. The 
entire performance assumed an excited appearance. The words 
of the song were : 

aGorowi take 

tcaposon take 

aGorowi 

The old men gave a loud yell in the midst of the song, and 
dropping on their haunches close to the fire, began pushing the 
blazing wood in a pile with their feet. Leaping up after a 
moment they continued to dance, but soon returned to the fire 
again. They danced in on the coals as much as they could, and 
each man before he was driven back by the heat would throw 
himself on his haimehes, kick at the fire, and surreptitiously pile 
in a little dirt with his hands. In this way the fire was gradually 
extinguished. The women throughout kept up a shrill and rapid 
chant. The effect of the whole was rather good. The leaping 
figures of the dancers were outlined in inky black against the 



iirr»ify of I'lihfuntiii Vubtieatwiu m Am. Arch.and Elhu. (Vol.8 

ruilily li^ht of the bonHrc. and thoir Hwirling featlHT headplumes 
li'iit an air of wiiilnt-Hs. Even tlie wliit«i who looki*d on were 
visibly impreitscii toward the clow, while the yoiiiii; Iiidiauii 
seetneil completely awed. When nothiiiK was left but blackened 
coai.s and a dim pile of glowing embers, the daucers left the circle 
and the ceremony was over. 

This ceremony was formerly accompanied by the exhibition 
of many magic tricks. A quantity of lii|uid, said to be a decoction 
of willow bark, was drunk by the performers Ix-forc coming to 
the dance. At the proper time they twtk slender cur\'e«l wands 
twelve or fourteen inches long, called "swallowing-sticks, " 
kotat,"" and in.serted almo.st the whole length in their throats. 
The violent vomiting which ensued was held to make the fire 
my.sterioiLsly "cool." It is likely that in the old days when no 
8ho<>s were worn, the toughness of the soles of the dancers' feet 
enabled them to dance actually on the coaLs without much dis- 
comfort. Even at the present day their methml of dancing would 
severely burn a bare-footed white man. 

DTHKU ii:Ui:.\Iu.\I.\L M.VTTERS. 

A moon ceremony among the Lui.seno is mentioned by Mi.ss 
DuBois'-" in the following words: "They sing 'Wy-ot, Wy-ot' 
nine times, then 'Xe-yonga (My head), nc-chaya, tomave. '"' 
The dances were to plea-se the moon and prevent his waning." 

This .seems to correspond to what is known as the "Sick 
Moon" ceremony among the Diegueno. Information alx)Ut this 
ceremony is not very .satisfactory, but the following particulars 
Were at length obtained by (|Ue.stit>ning .several infurmants. The 
ceremony is held when the moon ri.st-s in the daytime and looks 
small and pale. The people at this time went out and bathed 
tluiiLselves and had footraces "to plea.s*! the moon and make him 
glad." At the same time the women danced, each one by herself, 
and sang st)ngs. Some of these songs are the following: 



■ ■0 DiiBoiK, op. cit.. pliiio U>. 

'3"Joiirn. Am. Folk Lore, XVII. 1S5, 1904. Soo. nUo, pifsotit i»cri«, 
VIII, 11, 190S, Bn.l Ho!«-iinn. p. I'US. 

<!' Compnrc the Fire DaDcc nong before Riven on p. 3S0. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueiio Indians. 329 



1. haLTa kwasau 
inyau kwasau 
kwasau kwasau 



moon eati-2 
sun eat 
eat eat 



2. kamaiyo xwao kwatcayi 

3. wami yoik amai 

4. axo kaiyax wumi 

5. xatpa maxo 

6. axikwa o-o xoteamiTa 



crying he-is up-there 
crying 



owl is-singing 



The belief was that "if they sang and made a noise and 
laughed down here on earth, the moon would grow cheerful and 
get well and large again." 

GAMBLIXG. 

Gambling among the Diegueno as among many primitive 
peoples has so nnich of the formal in it, and so many "charms" 
connected with it, that it becomes almost a religious observance. 



Iih!!l£.iilii 

hm 

i;'|;i||;fn;iimii|iiM|.ii 

III!*;;''/ II 



iiiiiiiiii.,'i!i:,,i!!i.iii 



iiii."ii„ 



M 



Wfi 



w ''"iii 

'«'M"'"|!j 

j||;i;';;;;;:iii|; 
jlilj 

'(fi>\ «. l' 

Biiiiiiiiii;:ii:i;iii;|;ii|ii 



\ ' 



F 



,il'"'l|!,f 



V 

,1 

/ 'i 

\! 
/\ 

V 

/\ 



Figure 3.— Diegueno women 's dice from Campo. Mus. No. 1-14483. 



122 This song was said by the interpreter to refer to an ech 



3311 I Mitrrjicy of California Publifaliom in .4m. .'Ire A. and Ethn. [Vol.8 

The Dicgm-no play at thi- prt-scnt time m-vi-ral f^anihliiif; (^nies. 
Some uf tlH-sf have been iiitr«Hluce<l by the Mexicans ami Amer- 
icau.H. A foiir-iliee came (i'm. 3j is said to have l>e«'n leanie«J from 
the Mohave. The larj?e, tiat wooden ' ' dice ' ' with whieh it is played 
are found only among the southern Diej^ieno, who are nearest 
the intluence of the Mohave and other eastern tribes of the 
Yuman family. A gambling game with stick and hoop, in whieh 
the player tries to throw the stick through the hoop while rolling, 
is mentioned in Dieguefio m>'thology.'"' This game is no longer 
played. There is a game played by the Dieguefio at the present 
day, however, which is believed by them to Ih' of ancient origin. 
This game, called "peon," in Dieguefio homarp, is mentioned in 
the f.'haup myth."* It is the only game among the Dieguefio 
which is played ceremonially.'-" 

The game is played by two sides of four players each. Each 
individual is provided with two small cylindrical objects of 
bone or wood, similar except that one has a black band around 
the middle. These cylinders or "peons," in Dieguefio nj-um- 
umarpai, are clasped one in each fist of the player. One side 
guesses in which hand the other side hold their white peons. 

These guessing bones are of course a familiar gambling de- 
vice along the whole Pacific coast. In the nietliixl of play, how- 
ever, followed by the Dieguefio, the players are not considered 
as individuals. The side only is considered in the gues.sing. 
The i)layers making the guess agree together, and one man offers 
the n*sulting conclusion as their joint guess. So also the other 
side is looked upon not as individuals but as a unit. The 
"guess" applies to all equally. At the beginning of the game 
lots are drawn to determine which side is to begin the guessing 
and which side shall act on the defensive. After that, every 
I)l:iycr who is correctly guessed must surrender his peons for 
the time being to the player opposite him. When all the pairs 
of peons have been won from the players of the first side, the 
losing side must begin to giK'ss, the winning side taking the 



i2> Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 1".:. 1908. 
i5« //)!</., XVII, 2.19, 10(M. 

i:4> Kor nn nrcount of thin (^nn», ixx- Stpwnrt Culin, "Oiunm of the Xorth 
Amoricnn Iniliniu, " Ana. Kcp. Bur. Am. Ethn., XXIV, 323-32.'). 



1910] Watermayi.—The Sehgious rractices of the Diegueno Indians. 331 

defensive. For every bad guess, the players acting on the de- 
fensive get one point. 

The peons are adjusted to the wrists of the players by means 
of leather thongs, to prevent any sleight-of-hand work at the 
critical moment. Wlien adjusting the peons the players cover 
their hands with a blanket, the edge of which they hold in their 
teeth. Before dropping the blanket they fold their arms, to hide 
the peons still further. The guessing is indicated by pointing. 
Pointing with one finger indicates that the white peon is believed 
to be in the hand pointed at. Pointing with two fingers implies 
that the peon is believed to be in the opposite hand. The guess 
is merely a "trial," however, unless the player commits himself 
to it by a spoken word. 

The method followed in play is to point at a player in silence, 
and then endeavor to read from his expression whether the guess 
thus indicated is or is not the correct one. It is a fact that some 
men always betray themselves at the first "point" to the beady 
scrutiny of the opposing players. Others can assume such a 
wooden expression that they may be wrongly guessed five or 
six times in succession. Since each poor guess represents a 
point won, .such players are much in demand as partners. In 
order to hide or cover all facial expression, each plaj'er yelps 
and throws himself about, folding his arms and keeping his 
hands out of sight. In actual practice the members of the guess- 
ing side go over the opposing players separately, clapping their 
hands and pointing until the location of the peons is thought 
to be understood. They then compare notes, and one of them, 
speaking for all, claps his hands with a gesture and calls out the 
guess. Every one of their opponents who is caught must give 
up his peons. But for every bad guess a point is lost. This goes 
on until all of the peons have passed to the guessing side, or 
until all of the points in the game have been won by the opposing 
side. As soon as all of the peons are won, the guessing, as already 
indicated, reverts to the opposite side. 

The winning of fifteen points constitutes the game. Points are 
represented by fifteen long wooden counters, escLkwak. At the 
beginning of the game these counters, together with the stakes 
which are wagered, are placed in the hands of an umpire, who 



oo. i «itcr«i(y of Califomm /'ublu-udoiij in Am. Arek. and £lhn. (Vol.8 

8it« at the einl of the "alloy" bt-twefn the two rows of playera. 
He doles out the counters ils jxiiiitH are won by each side. After 
they have all left his haiitls. the players pass them baek and forth 
directly a-s poiiit.s are lout or won. The stakes in this game often 
uwd t(» amount to one hundred dollars. Two or three days arc 
sometimes reipiired to bring a game to a close. 

The game is [iriniarily inter-village in character. This trait haj» 
bet'D somewhat obscuretl in late years, though "teanus" are still 
to acme degree identified with certain rancherias. The women 
gather behind the side which repn-sents their i)artioular locality 
and sing sonijs to bring luck while the play is in pro|j:re.ss. Spec- 
imens of these songs are the following: 

1. tcitcinai yunini':' 3. baoko inclumo>:« 
tcitcinai yuwana haku mclume 
hya a yuuini haewila mi-oewila 
hya-a yuwuna mflume 

2. kaki- n-aiyiima 
hatra Icnie n-iyonu 

Certain religious practices accompany this game. The flow- 
ers of an umljellifcrous herb, in Spanish chuchupate. are dried 
and made into a powder. This powder is rubbed over the face 
and breast of a player, and a little of it thrown furtively on 
the fire which burns to one side. This is held to bring luck. 
Players sometimes chew a little of this chuchupate, or a little 
dried jimsou-wced. Occasionally the tails of small snakes are 
cut off, dried, and potuided into a "powder." This powder is 
thrown on the fire. It is thought to poison the other side "a 
little," making them "give up the peons" tpiickly. lilack spiders 
(tarantulas or trap-door spiders) also are used in this way. 

t'OLORS AND DIKFXTIO.N. 

Among the Dieguefio exists a pecidiar jus.sociation of direc- 
tion with color.""* The two ideas appear together freiiuently 
both in their myths and in their religious fonnulas and rituals. 



'-» Univeraity of Cnlifurniu phonogmpb rwonl "01. 

'30 Jbid., 702. 

I2U Sop the aiitbnr'ii ' ' Dirgiipiio IilcntidcatinD of t'olor with the Caniinal 
Points," Journ. Am. Folk Lore, XXI, •lO, 1908. 



1910] Waterman.— The Keliffious Practices of the Diegueuo Indians. 333 

North is associated with red, east with white, south with blue 
or green, these colors not being distinguished by the Diegueiio, 
and west with black. 

One of the songs accompanying the Eagle dance given above 

is: 

The white eagle puts his nest on cliffs. 

The eagle from the west puts hia nest on sycamore along the edge 
of the creeks. 

The eagle from the west is in the song contrasted with a 
"white" eagle. The western eagle seems therefore to occur to 
the native mind as black. The association of west with black 
is carried out by the statement of the old men, that when the 
dancers witch a white eagle to death in the Eagle-dance, as de- 
scribed above, "they send him east. When they kill a black 
eagle they send him west." 

In the mj-th of Chaup,'-' there is shown a corresponding 
feeling for color connected with north and south. "The elder 
sister, who was a witch-doctor and knew everj-thing, stood up 
and held her hand to the north and brought down a red stone. 
. . . Then she held up her hands to the south and got a blue 
stone of the same sort." Further on in this same story,'-* the 
corresponding colors for east and west are indicated. "The 
boys stood and held their hands to the east and got some white 
clay and with it they painted their cheeks. Then they held their 
hands to the west and got some black clay." 

A complete color-system for the four cardinal points has al- 
ready been quoted in connection with the Clothes-burning cere- 
mony. The aceoiint of the original ceremony is as follows: 

From the north he (the first man making the ceremony) 
brought a red rock, from the east a gleaming white rock, from 
the south a green rock, and from the west a black rock because 
the sun sets there. Then he said: "My father and grandfather 
are dead, so now I sing." 

menai dispa tcawai tcawi now dead I sing 

menai dispa tcawai tcawi now dead I sing 

(pointing) (pointing) 

xitoL kawak cnyak awik North, South, East, West 

a;nai amut up, down 



1^- Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XVII, 218, 1904. 
12S /!;)(?., 226. 



/ ■<■ ,r,,tjf of CaUfornta Pubtuvttont in Am. Arck. tiitd Elhn. [Vul. 8 

» "rtuHi poKHa^cM in Dictnicfio mytholotfj' swrn to indicate 
that this systi-n» is not alwuvH unciLTKtood. In the Chaup story, 
for instance, tin- followintf pansa^e ocoiint:'-* "Then she held 
up her hand to the nky and ^rot a bhiek sticky sulMtonoe . . . 
and then she reaehed out her hand toward the west and got 
some shininK stuff like (|ui(ksilver. " This of course contradict* 
tlie statement already made, that west is ajwociated with black 
and ciwt with "tcleaminR white." The author of the quoted 
paHsago, however, elsewhere confuses her Diejfueno directions 
east and west. In her paper in the present series"" east is given 
as awik, and west as nyak, the terms being reversed. The con- 
fiLsion of the color association in the above passage may there- 
fore have risen only in the English translation, antl not from any 
confusion in the mind of the native narrator. 

The colors are however to a certain extent confu.sed by the 
Dicgu<-no them.selvi»s. The present writer for instance ubtaine«l 
the following sentence from an old man at Campo uanieil TciwaL: 
"He reached his hand to the north (he was a wonderful medicine 
man) and got a blue Hint." North of course ought properly to 
be "red." In this case the contradiction came from an actual 
confusion in the informant's mind. The writer's attention was 
attracted by the violation of the usual color rule and the argu- 
ment which followed precluded the possibility of any misunder- 
standing of the narrator's words. 

It must be saitl however that in all such violations of the rule 
which have so far come to light in Dieguefio mythologT,-. the color 
in (|uestion is always applied to the direction opposite to the 
jiroper one if any mistake is made. North and south are always 
identified with one pair of colors, east and west with another. 
The order within these pairs merely is sometimes reversed. On 
the whole, in si»ite of occasional discn^jmncies, the color-system 
outlined above mav be considered well established. 



1" Journ. Am. Folk Ix)^, XIX, 151, 1906. 
IS" Op. cit., p. 12.'., rccorj 1090. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 335 



CEREMONIAL NUMBERS. 

A prominent element in all ritualism, whether of the primitive 
or civilized variety, is the consciousness of a sacred or ceremonial 
number. The exact implication of the term ' ' ceremonial number ' ' 
is illustrated by what we know of the special significance among 
Hebrews of the number seven ; or among Christians, especially 
Roman Catholics, of the number three. A corresponding usage is 
apparent in all the religious practices of the Diegueno. The author 
can say, however, M'hat every reader of the foregoing pages has 
seen for himself, that more or less confusion exists. The 
Diegueiio themselves are unconscious of any rule. Nor does their 
mythology reflect any definite feeling in the matter. In the 
absence of direct testimony, however, we can derive certain con- 
elusions from the rituals themselves. Ceremonial actions and 
gestures are repeated usually either three or four times. The 
frequent "growling or groaning sound accompanied by blow- 
ing, ' ' and the exclamation ' ' mwau, ' ' are repeated usually thrice, 
and only occasionally four times. In the latter case, the third 
repetition is felt by the people to be "doubled." "The last 
one is just for winding up," is the way one informant put it. 
In the HoRLoi dance the saucer of tobacco is raised three times ; 
and many other instances could be quoted. Six sometimes occurs, 
appearing to be however a duplication of three. Two and also 
seven do not appear. Five was observed by the writer only once. 
The ceremonial number varies therefore between three and four, 
and of these, while the feeling is not very definite, three is much 
the more usual. 

TOBACCO. 

"While the Diegueno do not seem to attach much ceremonial 
importance to plants, there is a definite religious feeling associated 
with tobacco. The shape of the Diegueiio stone pipe (pi. 21, fig. 4) 
indicates that tobacco was used by them primarily in a ceremonial 
way. This pipe was not adapted for ordinary smoking, since 
it is a short, thick cylinder in outline. In smoking it has to be 
held in a perpendicular position, with the head tipped back and 
the face turned upward. Tobacco smoke was blown on a man in 



338 r-.r*r«r» of CUfomu, PubUectu>nM .. Am. Arck. and Elhn. [ Vol. 8 

««e of Kieku««. Tobacco nraoke was also blown thn-c tiinoH into 
the air to prevent diH.-aso and misfortime when ill-omeiu^ cventi. 
oc-curml. for insUnce the cawing of a crow or the cr>- of a coyote. 
The reli^MoiiH use of tobacco 8.-em.s to be older than the awik or 
jini«onwee,l eultiw, since it oc-cure in Diegueno mythology. For 
instance ■" "'I don't know which of us will get the best of it. 
«i.d the bov. Hut he had some tobacco in a pieee of cane which 
he took from his ear and smok-nl. and blew the smoke at the b.-ar 
and put him to sleep so that he p,is.s.Hl on. . . - The bear woke 
up and said. . . 'He has more power than I.' " As just noted, 
tobaco is still used ceremonially in the HoRU.i dance, though its 
exact significance in native thought could not Ix- ascertained. 

DIEGUEfJO BELIEFS CONCERNING ORIGIN. 
Ah already suggest.-d in the discu-ssion of the Kenik ceremony, 
the Diegueno explain the origin of certain of their religious prac- 
tices in the mvths which conceni a wonderful being called 
Chaup to be identified in all probability with the physical 
phenomenon of ball-lightning. This mjih has been contributed 
to the Journal of American Folk-Lore in complete form by 
Miss Constance Goddard DuBois. under the titles of "The 
Storv of Chaup" and the "Story of Cuyahoniarr.'"" It 
musi be noted in passing that this Chaup.'" or T.aup in the 
orthography of the present paper, i.s in many respects the culture 
hero of the Diegueno. From his activity, according to the myths, 
date many of the phenomena which taken together compose the 
worUl as we latter-day peoples know it. For instance, the planU 
and animals used to be people until Chaup or his relatives im- 
posed on them their present appearance. Cricket.'" Jack- 
rabbit.'" and Coyote'" are mentioned specifically in one m>th. 

.» Journ. .\n.. Kolk-Loro. XIX. 161. 1906. 

... Jou.n. Am. KolkLore. XVII. 217. 1904. an.i XIX. 147. 1906 

..ilVrhai.. U.tt.T "Chiiup.." in the plurul. since >'« '•"'"•',^'J.^'%»*'"," 

Ihilloiii' nnrrntivcM. 

...Journ. Am. Folk Lore, XIX. 147, 1906. 
ij; /hi//., p. 160. 
i.« /bid., p. 163. 



1910] Waterman.— The Seligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 337 

Animals had no names, so he named them.'=" They had no distinc- 
tive markings (for instance the red wattle of Eoadrunner, the 
stripes on Mock-Orange, and the dark shading on Coyote) until 
Chaup marked them."^ These mjthologieal ' ' heroes ' ', Chaiip and 
his relatives, first brought storms'^" and disease"" into the world. 
They acted generally speaking as models or prototypes for the 
customs and ceremonies of succeeding generations. Sinyohauch 
tells her sons, for instance :"'■ "Do not quarrel (on this journey). 
The people who come after will do the same as you (do) ". This 
copying by the people of an action performed by Chaup"^ was 
the origin of the great Image or Keruk mourning ceremony. 
Such then, in the Diegueno conception, is the origin of the more 
striking features of animate nature and the usages obtaining 
among human beings. 

Certain elements in their culture, however, are supposed to 
have arisen in another manner. The narrative concerning the 
second source seems by the native informants to be felt as an 
inherent part of a certain definite mj1:h of "Creation" or Origin 
of the Mundus. "We have two independent ideas, then, among the 
Diegueiio, with reference to this general topic of origins. These 
are embodied in two types of myth. One type, the ' ' Chaup ' ' 
story, tells among other things of the modification of an already 
existing world, by "Chaup." The other type tells of the origin 
of the mundus itself, and is a real Creation story."' 

The fact of Creation is mentioned and described in several 
places in the literature now extant"* concerning the Jlission 
Indian area and cultures. The Diegueiio account for numerous 



131 Ibid., p. 160. i*» Ibid., p. 163. 

138 Ibid., p. 162. 1" Ibid., p. 148. 

138 Ibid., p. 148. "2 Ibid., p. 153. 

113 It is impossible to say definitely whether the two accounts of Origin 
are mutually complementary, or whether they spring from Tague and rather 
inconsistent beliefs on the part of the Diegueno. As they stand in transla- 
tion they are certainly contradictory, but this may be only on the surface 

mFor the various Mission Indian myths on the subject, consult: Bos 
cana 241-257; Constance Goddard DuBois, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XVII, 
185 1904- XIX, 52, 1906; XIV, 181, 1901; XXI, 236, 1908; also ibid., 234, 
a Mesa Grande song of Creation, and ibid., 229, Kachawharr, a song series 
from Jacumba, about Tuchaipa and Yokomatis; Congr. Intern dcs Amer- 
icanistes, XV Session, Quebec, II, 129, 131, 1906; Univ. Calif Publ. Amw 
Arch. Ethn., VIII, 123, 1908; A. L. Kroeber, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIA 
309, 1906; John P. Harrington, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XXI, 3^4, 1J08. 



339 Cniirrtily of California J'ubltcatiuH* in Am. Arch, and Klhn. [Vol. 8 

ri.-u«uiui must bo couKidercd u.s a (Ji>>tiii(-t and independent narra- 
tive, not related to the Kturies told by the neif^hboring Mission 
peoples.'" The pretw-iit writer obtained a rather complete outline 
of thw Die^fuefio myth from an old man at Campo'*' calling 
himself a Kamiyai.'*' For several reasons this 8tor>' is interesting 
in the present connection. In the first place, and most important 
of ail, it is a fair sample of the primitive sacred story, as found 
among the Diegiicno. In the second place, it outlines as briefly 
as could be accomplished by any other method the beliefs of the 
people in question concerning the organization of the mundus. 
Tliis among any primitive people must be considered a definitely 
religious topic. Finally, it helps to throw a certain illumination, 
from an independent view-point, on the broader subject of 
Diegueno mythology, a subject which is more or less germane to 
our present purpose. For the.se reasons it .seems proper to quote 
it in full, as obtained from the Diegueno informant. 

CREATION MYTH. 

In the beginning there was no earth or land. There was 
nothing except salt water. This covered everything like a big sea. 
Two brothers lived under this water. The oldest one was 
Tcaipakomat."" 

Both of them kejit their eyes closed, for the salt would blind 
them. The oldest brother after awhile went up on top of the salt 
water and looketl around. lie could see nothing but water. Soon 
the younger brother too came up. lie opened his eyes on the way 
and the salt water blinded him. When he got to the top he could 
see nothing at all, so he went back. When the elder brother saw 



xii Kur a full treatment of this theme see the paper hj the preacot 
writer in .\m. Antlir.. ii. ». XI. 41 .'>.>. 1909. 

'•"Thin nmy (nTlinpH be the infominnt mentioned by Miiw DuBois 
(Journ. Am. Folkl^ore, XIX, 162, 1900), from whom aho obtained indirectly 
her "Yuma" creation story. (.Sec ifcui., XXI, 230, 1908.) 

i«' The Mohave deaiKnato aa Kamia a trilx* living on the doaert between 
tlio Yuma ;ind the Diej^efio. That theae iieople were eloacly relattxl to the 
Die^^uefio of the Miiuiiuna, is ahuwn by the fact that the Moliavo name for 
the latter ia Kniiiia iixwe, f(irei)(ii or hoatile Kamia. 

'•• .Mii4» I>uHuiH ({ivea Turhaip.'i as the elder and Yokomat or Yokomatia 
aa the younger, but aaya (Journ. .Vm. Folk-Lure, XXI, 229, 190S; and Conifr. 
Intern. Anu-rican., XV, Quot>ec, II, 131, 1900) that the two names are iiume' 
timoa given in one: Chaipakomat. 



1910] Waterman.-— The Sdigious Practices of the DiegueHo Indians. 339 

that there was nothing, he made first of all little red ants, 
miskiluwi (or ciracir). They filled the water up thick with their 
bodies and so made land. Then Teaipakomat caused certain blac]v 
birds with flat bills, xanyiL, to come into being. There was no 
sun or light when he made these birds. So they were lost and 
could not find their roost. So Teaipakomat took three kinds of 
clay, red, yellow, and black, and mada a round, flat object. This 
he took in his hand and threw up against the sky. It stuck there. 
It began to give a dim light. We call it the moon now, liaLya. 
Tlie light was so poor that they could not see very far. So 
Teaipakomat was not satisfied, for he had it in mind to make 
people. He took some more clay and made another round, flat 
object and tossed that up against the other side of the sky. It 
also stuck there. It made everj'thing light. It is the sun, inyau. 
Then he took a light-colored piece of clay, mutakwic, and split it 
up part way. He made a man of it. That is the way he made 
man. Then he took a rib"' from the man and made a woman. 
This woman was Sinyaxau, First Woman."" The children of 
this man and this woman were people, ipai. They lived in the 
east at a great mountain called Wikami."' If you go there now 
you will hear all kinds of singing in all languages. If you put 
your ear to the ground you will hear the sound of dancing. This 
is caused by the spirits of all the dead people. They go back 
there when they die and dance just as they do here. That is the 
place where everything was created first. 

A big snake lived out in the ocean over in the west. He was 
called Maihaiowit."= He was the same as Teaipakomat but had 
taken another form. This big snake had swallowed all learning. 
All the arts were inside his body — singing, dancing, basket- 
making, and all the others. The place where the snake lived was 



149 This may he an original element and not a gloss from the Biblical 
myth. The informant is a "bronco" (unbaptized) Indian, who has never 
been under the influence of the missionaries. 

150 From siny, woman, and axau, first; apparently the same as Miss Du- 
bois' Sinyohauch (.Tourn. Am. Folk-Lore, XVII, 222, 1904), in which the 
final eh is guttural. 

151 Cf. present series, VIII, 123, 1908; .lourn. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 315, 
1906; Am. Anthropologist, n, s. VII, 627, 1905. 

15= Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 315, 1906; XXI, 235, 1908; Am, Anthr., 
n. s., VII, 627, 1905. 



340 Unnrrtity of CaUfornia I'ubhcalioM in Am. Areh. and Ethn. [Vol. N 

culli'tl Wiiiiwul (Coronadi) Islaiiduf) The people at thi« time at 
Wikunii uiKhed to have an Image Ceremony. They had made a 
wokenik, i-<Tenioniul hoase, but did not know what else- to do. 
They couM neither dance nor make speeches. One man knew 
more than the others. He told them they ought to do more than 
jiLst huild the house, wj that the people who came after them 
would have .som<thing to do. So they made up their minds to 
send to Maihaiowit and ask him to give them the dances. Another 
sea monster, XamiLkotat, was going to swallow cverj'one who tried 
to go out to Mailiaiowit. So the people said the man who went 
had better change himself into a bubble. 

So the man who had first spoken about the matter changed 
himself into a bubble. The monster swallowed him anj'way. 
^Vhen he found himself down inside he first went north, but he 
eould find no way out. Then he went .south, east, and west but 
could find no way out. Then he reached his hand toward the 
norlh — he was a wonderful medicine-man — and got a blue Hint, 
awi-haxwa. He broke this so as to get a sharp edge. Then he 
cut a hole through the monster and got out. Then he went on 
and on till he got to the place where Maihaiowit livetl. The snake 
had a big circular house, with the door in the top. The man 
went in there. When the snake saw him he called out : 

Maniapitc inyawa inaxap meyo (Who-are-you my-house hole 
comes-inT) 

The man answered : 

Inyate eyon enuwi (I it-is. Uncle). 

"Tell me what you want," said the snake. 

"I came over from Wikami," said the man. "They are trying 
to make a wukeruk ceremony there, but they tlon't know how to 
sing or dance." 

"All right," said the snake, "I will (•r)me ami teai'h tiieiii. 
You go ahead and I will come slowly." 

So the man went back. The monster came after him reaching 
from mountain to mountain. He left a great white streak over 
the countrj' where he went along. You can still see it. The 
people at Wikami were expecting him, so they cleared a space. 
He came travelling fast as a snake travels. He went to the 
wukeruk. First he put his head in. Then he began slowly pulling 



1910] Waterman.— The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. 341 

his length in after him. He coiled and coiled, but there was no 
end to his length. After he had been coiling a long time the 
people became afraid at his size. So they threw fire on top of 
the house and burned him. When they put the fire on him he 
burst. All the learning inside of him came flying out. It was 
scattered all around. Each tribe got some one thing. That is 
the reason one tribe knows the wildcat dance and another the 
wukeruk and a third are good at peon. Some people got to be 
witches or medicine-men (kwusiyai), and orators, but not many. 
The head of Maihaiowit was burned to a cinder. The rest of 
his body went back west. It did not go very far. In the Colorado 
river there is a great, white ridge of rock. That is his body. A 
black mountain near by is his head. The people go to the white 
rock and make spearheads. 

After the house was burned up, the people were not satisfied, 
so they scattered in all directions. The people who went south 
were the oldest. They are called AkwaL, Kwiliyeu, and Axwat. 
The rocks were still soft when the people scattered abroad over 
the earth. Where\'er one of them stepped he left a footprint. 
The hollows around in all the rocks are where they set down their 
loads when they rested.'"^-* 

Even a hasty reading of this myth makes evident its dis- 
similarity with the ordinary Luisefio and Mohave accounts of 
creation. It may be well to add in this place that a systematic 
comparison of the narratives in detail confirms the impression of 
dissimilarity conveyed at first blush by the general structure and 
underlying idea of the story.'^'' A certain external relation 
between the myth outlined above and the Mohave story'" is of 
course apparent. The mountain Wikami, for instance in the 



152a A full account of the Yuma creation story has been contributed by 
Mr. John P. Harrington to the Journal of American Folk-Lore, XXI, 324, 
1908. The relationship between the above schematic account and Mr. Har- 
rington's full version of the Yuma story is at once erident. 

153 See Am. Anthr., n. s. XI, 41-55, 1909. Thirteen prominent story ele- 
ments are there chosen for study. Of these, it develops that the Mohave and 
Luiseijo myths have nine in common. The Diegueno story, on the other hand, 
has onlv three elements in common with the Luiseiio, and but two in common 
with the Mohave. This is quite insignificant, since any two totally unrelated 
mythologies might to this limited extent be similar. 

i5< Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 314, 1906. 



I niirmlj/ of Citl\furn\a I'ublieatxont in Am.Areh.anJ Kthn. (Vol.8 

pn-si-iit Htory, and the iiiuuhUt ^lailiaiowit, corrt-spond to the 
.Mi)havi' "Avikwanie" aud the mooKter "Ilumasaretia." This 
rehitidiiship d<«'.s not neein to extend down into the Ktory-elements 
proper. 

It i.s of course impossible to determine at this time, either 
from tlie myth just ipioted or from other versions, just what 
elements enter properly into the Dieffuefio myth. All the evi- 
dence extant, however, points quite unmistakably to the con- 
elusion that as far as the mytholo(fy of Creation is concerned, the 
Diejfueno are tlioroutjhly independent of the Shoshonean peoples 
north of them. 

It must be nottnl in pa-ssing that the "meteor" or electric fire- 
ball, Dieifuefio Tcaup or Kwiyaxomar (Cuyahomarr), Luisefio 
Takwisli, Mohave Kwayu, is al.so prominent in all the mythologies 
of the .Mission area."* As a corollary to the theme di.seussed just 
al)ove, it is to be ob.served that the Dieiifuerio give this subject, 
too, a characteristic treatment of their own. The physical 
phenomenon which is the basis of the stories is a[)parently the 
.same everj'where, namely, ball-lightning. A certain confusion 
has arisen in this regard, owing to the use in various papers of 
the word "meteor" to describe the manifestation. The presence 
of this word in the literature of the subject is in all likelihood to 
be charged to a lease employment of the term, in the first place, 
by uneducated native informants. The Ix'ing described in the 
myths is widely thought to be accompanied by thunderings, to 
have a "bright" or "beaming" appearance, and to fly about 
close to the surface of the ground. These traits unmistakably 
characterize ball-lightning rather than meteors."" The tcrritic 
action of the electric fireball would, at least in the mind of the 
present writer, account in part for the terror in which the being 
is held by all the Mi.ssion peoples. However this may be, the 
Lui.seno and Mohave "cannibal meteor" stories offer almast no 
similarity (outside of concerning the .same subject) to the cor- 
n-sponding Dieguefio tale. This being, who as we have seen is 



iw/6i<J., 316. Ibid.. XVII, 217, 1904. Ibid., XIX. M7. 1906. 

IBS The priwint writor linn noTor mot tho woril "nu't<xir" in this connec- 
tion anions natire infnrniuntit, sml him fouml tho bcin^; in qu(><ition iilenti- 
fled both in LiiiscAo nnil Dicguofiu territory with the electric flreball. 



1910] Waterman. — The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueiio Indians. 343 

the culture hero of the Diegiiefio, is apparently regarded as a 
malevolent demon among the Luiseno and Mohave. 

It is perhaps too early to say that the Diegueiio have no myths 
other than the Chaup and Creation stories. We may safely 
conclude however that these two are by far the most important 
types of myth. It is also safe to say concerning Diegueiio myth- 
ology that while it seems to be restricted in scope, its affiliations 
are to be sought, not among the mythology of the Shoshoneans 
as has at times been suggested, but among that of the peoples, 
related linguistically to the Diegueiio, who live to the south and 
east. 

CONCLUSION. 

We may, in conclusion, carry away several definite facts con- 
cerning the religion of the Diegueiio people. One such fact is, 
that a certain part of their religious practices are, so far as 
externals are concerned, common also to the Luiseiio and 
Cahuilla. An equally rich and much older part of this worship 
is thoroughly and inherently Diegueno. As a basis for at least 
this older part of their ceremonial, they have a rich and varied, 
though not a voluminous mythology. We are entitled to a 
vehement suspicion that the songs invariably used as the accom- 
paniment of their dances, bear a definite reference to this 
mythology. In fact only the somewhat advanced decadence of 
their religious practices, and the unfortunate fact that their 
language has never been exhaustively studied, prevent the final 
establishment of this fact. In this one trait alone they somewhat 
resemble their kindred, the Mohave. In mythology, finally, they 
offer a sharp contrast to their Shoshonean neighbors, the Luiseiio 
and Cahuilla. The real affiliation of the Diegueiio religion is, like 
that of their mythology, probably to be sought among their 
kindred, the other southwest peoples of Yuman stock. 



KXJ'LANATION OK I'LATK 21. 

Kig. 1. — Crescfnt-ghapod cercmouial stono. Mc«a Gromlc. 11374" 
Fig. 2. — Toloache mortar. Mem Grande. 1-1374J. 
Fig. 3. — Stone cup for drioking toloacho. Mesa Grande. 1-13*43. 
Fig. 4. — Stone piiw. C'apitan Gramle. 114474. 

Fii^irea are .3 natural iiir.e. 



' The numbers jfiven are the catalogue numbera of tbc Museum of the 
Department of Anthropology of the University of California. 



1 344 J 



UNIV. CAL. PUBL AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 8 



[WATERMAN] PL. 21 





^"^fii *1-|' ■•' 




iihi.ri'.No .-^Td.M; cm.iKcr.s. 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 22. 

figt. 1-3. — Hpailplumca of owl ffatbcm. M(«a Gramlo. 1-12963, 113751, 
1-13750. 

Fig. i. — Hra'lbaDtl of owl foatbcni. Mctui Cirande. 1-12962. 
Figurcf »'•• l"! n;iiiiral size. 



[346] 



UNIV. CAL PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 3 [WATERMAW] PL. 22 




IilKi;l KN<i kf..\tiii:k (IB.IKCTS. 



KXPLANATKJN OF PLATE 23. 

Kiincral jiir. KiiuiiJ about IS tn'\lo» from Mesa GranJo. 113739. 
.11 natural hizc. 



[348] 



UNIV. CAL, PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 



[WATERMAN] PLATE 23 




EXPLANATIUX OK I'l.ATK :;4. 

Cirouod Painting, made bv Manuel LachuBo, an old man uf Santa Vaa- 

bcl. lie bail forgotten the precise location of the milk/ war, lun, 

new moon, ami olil moon, no they are omitte<l. He made no mention 

of toloacho mortars. 

1. — Atoloi, witch mountain on an ialaml, identified bjr the informant nitb 

C'oronado iKlaml. 
2. — Njapukxaua, mountain where people were creatcil. 
3. — Wikaiyai, San Uernnnlino mountain. 
4. — Axatu, Santa Catalina island. 
5. — Awi, rattlesnake. 
6.— EtcckurLk, wolf. 
7. — Xatra, Pleiades. 
8. — NamuL, bear. 
9. — Nyimatai, panther. 
10. — "Cross star". 
11. — Sair, buz2urd star. 
12. — Xawitai, gnuis or blue garter snake. 
13. — XiLkair, red racer snake. 
14. — A»viyuk, gopher snake. 
15. — WatUD, "shooting" constellation. 
16. — Amu, mountain-sheep, three stars of Orion. 
17. — Spitting hole, diameter about 8 inches. 
18. — Horizon, forming the visible limits of the earth. 



t350] 



UNIV. CAL. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 8 



[WATERMAN] PLATE 24 



/I/ 




dieoueSo ground painting. 



EXl'LANATION uy TLATK 25. 

Ground I'aintinK mailv )>/ Antuoio Macca ami Jo W'aten, olil mea at 
Meaa UramU-. 
1,2,3. — Kalmo an<l witurt, toloacbo mortar and {xatle. 
4, 5. — Awi, rattlrsDakc. 
6. — XatatkuBi., milkj way. 

7. — Amut kwu|itcur|iai, world 'n cd(;o. There is some doubt as to the cur 
roct color for this figure. 

8. — HaLyaxai, new moon. 

9. — HaLya, full mooo. 
10. — Inyan, sun. 
11. — Uatapa, coyote. 
12. — Sair, buzzard star. 
13. — Crow. 

14. — HaLturt, black spider. 
15. — Katckurlk, wolf. 
IG. — Amu, mountain-sbeop, Orion. 
17.— Ilatca, Pleiades. 
18. — AtviniL, black snake. 
19. — Awl-yuk, gopher snake. 
21) L'.T — Mountttinn. 



[352] 



UNIV. CAL. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 8 [WATERMAN] PLATE 25 



N 



W 




DIEGUEtfO GROUND PAINTING. 



EXPLANATION OF I'LATE 26. 

Pig. 1. — Women Dancing. 

Figs. 2, 3. — Dancers painted for Tii[)akwirp. 



[.1541 




'^H^^r ^^ 


1 




m^^^p 


^1 


t 



KXF'LANATION OF PLATE 27. 

Fig. 1. — ^Assistant posing facing the sun in the Tapakwirp dance. 
Fig. 2. — Tapakwirp dancer rotting. The lender stnnds at his left. 
Fig. 3. — Tapakwirp dancer whirling. 
Fig. 4. — T.'ipakwirp dancer stjuntting in the niidnt of a song. 



[3S6| 



UMIV, CAL, PURL. AM, ARCH, ?. ETHM, VOI 



[/vAlERMAM] PLATE 27 





iii:(.rKNi) i'Ai'AKW irti' iian<'K. 



EXPLANATION OP PLATE 28. 
By courtPdV of Mr. E. II. Duvin, Mrsa Oniinlp. 

Fig. 1. — Poll* nrnl niHtrrial.i for the cnclogure n»cd in the Keruk ceremoDj. 
The women nre crying. The old woman on the left is 
xprinkling pine nuts and beans over the materials. Photo- 
graphed in .\ugu8t, 1908. 

Fig. 2. — Old woman. Her breast is loceruled as a sign of mourning. 



[358] 



UMIV, CAL, PUBL, AM, ARCH, & ETHM, VOL. :' fWAfERMAt.]] CIATF ?R 








DIRf.'UENO KERl'K CEKKMOXY AND MOI'RN'ER. 



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